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Started by National Commission for Democrac...
Wed, 09 Jul 1997 00:00
Mexico: July 25th action alert
Author: National Commission for Democrac...
Date: Wed, 09 Jul 1997 00:00
Date: Wed, 09 Jul 1997 00:00
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11618 bytes
From: Cecilia Rodriguez <moonlight@igc.apc.org> CALL FOR INTERNATIONAL DEMONSTRATIONS ON JULY 25, 1997 ACTION ALERT But for the language, it was hard to differentiate the electoral commentators on Televisa on July 6th. They all sat around a table, surrounded by large video screens, computer panels and keyboards, and notebook pads. They glibly tossed about their observations in much the same style as any Peter Jennings or Dan Rather of the United States. They conducted spontaneous interviews with Cuahtemoc Cardenas and zoomed in on the tumultuous scene at the Zocalo. You could hardly tell that this was an election in Mexico, or that these were Mexican commentators. In Washington D.C., the few who understand the enormous impact of the Mexican political reality on the U.S. economy, surely popped corks out of champagne bottles and patted each other on the back, along with their Mexican counterparts, thousands of miles away. They are still gloating over the magnanimous declarations. Emilio Chuayffet Chemor, Mexican Justice Secretary "The electoral reform has been the most profound of the century...we have reached the highest level of political maturity in our democratic life". Manuel Jimenez Guzman, director of the Federal Program of School Construction "July 6th reflects the maturity and politicization of a more critical, vigilant, and participatory democracy." They must have heaved a huge sigh of relief on Wall Street, even though the public com mentary was that the initial results of the elections lived up to expectations and so their results were a "non-event." Election impact on the financial markets should be "neutral" it was said. The neoliberals decided and now agree. The waves of instability and corruption emanating from the PRI were not healthy for their markets. They would hand the "masses" a little taste of change, their market comrades in the PRI would surely agree that a shift in the political arena of Mexico was necessary in order to insure the long-term survival of their plans. Democracy on neoliberal terms would arrive in Mexico with the arrival of a multi-party system, if enough people voted that way. The other agreements of the neoliberals on both sides of the border are not prominent on television screens. The lies which cover the monstrous brutality of this system remain hidden to the majority of the peoples of the world. The poverty of the people of Mexico is unlikely to change. The agreement a bout staying the brutal course of globalization takes more than one election to change. The agreement about the low-intensity war being conducted against the indigenous people of Mexico will also remain intact. Its casualties; --Jailings of a Chinateco leader in the port of Veracruz --Harassment, intimidation and threats against a Nahua leader in Jalisco --The deaths of seven Chol people in Sabanilla, Emiliano Zapata, and Shushupa, Chiapas, including an 11-year-old boy murdered by a paramilitary group named "Peace and Justice". The casualties include at least ten other wounded. --The displacement of the entire communities of Pasija, Shushupa, and Emiliano Zapata in Chiapas who abandoned their homes in fear of continued retaliation --The increased militarization of the Huasteca region of Veracruz, the south sierra of Oaxaca, the eastern and central zones of the Yucatan peninsula and the diverse regions of Guerrero. The unbridled activity of paramilitary groups and assassins in the states of Veracruz, Puebla, Oaxaca, and Guerrerro. --The aggressions suffered by the Mazateca and Mixe region in Oaxaca including campaigns which condition public services in return for votes in favor of the PRI; including the distribution of food, construction materials and student scholarships. In the isolated mountain ranges and villages inhabited by the indigenous people of Mexico the true nature of the system which begins to deteriorate in Mexico is manifest ; its profound racism, its arrogance, its brutal and regressive oppression. The death toll of this war continues. It accrues among those whose lives were already being ravaged by the neoliberal proposal. In Washington, D.C., the bureaucrats discuss sending Army troops to the U.S. Mexico border. It allows them to expend public money in order to dictate the movement of their pool of cheap labor. Why allow more Mexicans into the country, when the U.S. is busily building its own cheap labor source-workfare, prison labor, temporary or contract workers can surely fill the needs of corporations who shred human beings in the same way they do their piles of papers. Troops will come to the U.S. border if possible. If not, the enormous budget of the Border Patrol will have to do. The hungry will continue to risk their lives hiding in the trunks of cars, running across dangerous highways, paying strangers to secure their escape from the suffocating poverty. The U.S./Mexico border is a militarized zone, a land where the two realities clash, the reality of privilege built on the suffering of others, the lie about a democracy which denies a voice to those who most need it, which claims it must build walls in order to protect itself. On a dirt road to La Realidad, Chiapas the Mexican immigration service serves with the same tenacity. Their objective is somewhat different; they want to secure the right of the Mexican government to murder the indigenous rebels in whatever way necessary, at whatever time they please. The military convoys which patrol the communities on a daily basis have been greatly disturbed by the presence of dozens of international witnesses running to videotape and photograph them just as they do to the communities. So the order was issued by the Army; the Mexican immigration service should do everything it can to stop international observers from arriving at Zapatista communities. The immigration officers persecute the other immigrants; other because they belong to many nations, immigrants beca use they leave their own countries seeking hope. These immigrants seek to protect the example of the Zapatista communities. They go to observe the military convoys who patrol the communities on a daily basis. These immigrants speak Italian, or French, or Catalonian. In the months since the suspension of the peace talks, some of these immigrants have been issued deportation orders, others have broadside until the coast is clear; engaged in the same cat and mouse game which plays itself out on the U.S. Mexico border. So the Mexican immigration service changes the rule of the game. They maintain a 24-hour watch. They close the checkpoint and drive out in their trucks into the community of Nuevo Momon. They establish other checkpoints. They shine their flashlights into the vehicles with the same demeanor of intimidation, they collect hundreds of pictures, they threaten and persecute. If in reality the election of Cuahtemoc Cardenas and the new Congress is a real step towards democracy, their first order of business should be to advocate for an end to the low-intensity war in Mexico and to re-establish a negotiations process. The victory of new democratic forces in Mexico should be manifest in a process where the spark of hope began, in those indigenous communities who taugh t the rest of us the necessity of all forms of struggle. Democracy cannot continue to be a game of shells; "now you see it, now you don't, watch it, watch it closely and see if your eye is faster than my hand." The possibility of a multi-party system in Mexico, should not limit all struggle to elections. We must continue to exert many other forms of politics, we must continue to push for genuine change. We want an end to the lie that there is no war in Mexico, that there are only a few Indians fighting amongst themselves. The truth screams out to be said; 1) It was the Indian peoples of Mexico in January 1994, who said "Ya basta!" to the lies. It was their blood which awoke the conscience of the peoples of Mexico and which began to move citizens towards the possibility of a different political system. It is their tenacity which has held the door open and which makes possible this tenuous opening in the electoral arena. It is their moral authority which exposed the deteriorated state of the Mexican political system. 2) It was civil society of Mexico and the world which picked up the banner raised by the blood of those Zapatista rebels and which now fights in many places and in many ways to carry it forward. It was the pressure and the mobilization and the tenacity of those civilian forces which forced the neo-liberals to take a second look, and which continues to expose the cruelty of this global system. 3) Democracy is more than a multi-party system. It is the ability of the citizens of a nation to have the active right to decide the distribution of wealth, the deployment and nature of public services, the quality of life. 4) All peoples of the world seek the possibility of a real democracy, and the right to struggle to advance the definition of democracy. We call upon all peoples to continue to say "Ya Basta!"; to demand a continued transition to a genuine and different kind of democracy, to call for an end to the abuse of power including the low-intensity war being waged in Mexico. THE ACTION We call upon the peoples of the United States specifically, and the peoples of the world in general to stand together with those who will be meeting for the Second Intercontinental Encounter to be held in Madrid, Spain. Not all of us have the resources or the ability to attend the Encounter; but hundreds share the hope and the commitment to a new alternative for humanity. For this reason we are calling upon those who are able, to participate in demonstrations to be held at Mexican consulates and embassies in all parts of the world on July 25th, the first day of the Encounter. Our demands are few and specific; 1) An end to the militarization of indigenous zones in Mexico. 2) An end to the terror campaigns of paramilitary groups in Mexico. 3) An end to the harassment of international observers to the conditions of Zapatista communities. 4) A denouncement of the low-intensity war and the death and suffering it is bringing to indigenous communities. Our voices must be raised once again. We cannot abandon the rebels who helped us to remember who we are; human beings with the right to dream and build a new world, citizens whose contributions to the wealth of nations cannot be ignored. ORGANIZE ACTIONS AND DEMONSTRATIONS I N FRONT OF MEXICAN CONSULATES AND EMBASSIES ALL OVER THE WORLD!! SEND A MESSAGE TO THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF MEXICO-YOU ARE NOT ALONE, WE ARE STILL HERE, WE WILL NOT SURRENDER! By Cecilia Rodriguez National Commission for Democracy in Mexico
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