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Article #175Islamic Information & News Network:[Vol.6 No.18] Rubi-ul-sani 8, 1415 Hijri September 15, 1994
From: ASIM M MUGHAL
Date: Tue, 20 Sep 1994 23:13
Date: Tue, 20 Sep 1994 23:13
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In the name of ALLAH, the Beneficent, the Merciful
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I N F O R M A T I O N & N E W S N E T W O R K
A Subsidiary of Pakistan News Service
Vol. 6 No. 18 Rubi-ul-sani 8, 1415 Hijri September 15, 1994
________________________________________________________________________________
Editor: Imran Mehdi Muslims@asuacad.bitnet
________________________________________________________________________________
# This is a second attempt to post this issue. It was originally #
# posted on September 16, 1994. Due to distribution glitch it was#
# not sent out to the subscribers. -IINN #
Contents
--Al Qur'an--
1. Al Quran ................................................ by Almighty Allah
................. translation of the meaning by Abdullah Yusuf Ali
--Articles--
2. Israel is to blame for wars ........................ by Rabbi M. Teitelbaum
................................. from Al-Akbar
3. Islamic Spirituality ................................. by Abdal-Hakim Murad
...................................... from Masud Khan
--Announcements--
4. Conference call with Dr. Zahar ................................. by Mustafa
5. ftp site for Islamic literature ............................ by Asim Mughal
Al Quran .....................................................................
I seek Allah's protection from Satan the rejected one.
1. Al Quran ................................................ by Almighty Allah
................. translation of the meaning by Abdullah Yusuf Ali
translation of the meaning by
Abdullah Yusuf Ali
from
Asim Ashraf
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
x 103 Al-QURAN x
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
I seek Allah's protection from Satan the rejected one.
Verily never will God change the condition of a people until
they change it themselves (with their souls). But when (once)
God wills a people's punishment, there can be no turning back,
nor will they find, besides Him, any to protect.
Translation by Abdullah Yusuf Ali.Published by Amana Corporation
Brentwood, Maryland, U.S.A
13(11)
Articles .....................................................................
2. Israel is to blame for wars ........................ by Rabbi M. Teitelbaum
................................. from Al-Akbar
Israel is to blame for wars
by
Rabbi M. Teitelbaum
from
Al-Akbar
Israel is to Blame for Wars Anti-Zionist Leader Says
The state of Israel is "responsible" for the wars with the Arabs, the
"king" of Jewish anti-Zionists told a huge crowd of some 100,000 fol-
lowers in occupied Jerusalem. "Zionism has caused terrible
blood-letting," the white bearded Rabbi Moshe Teitelbaum said late in
the evening after arriving from his power base in New York last month.
Thousands of children, wear- ing white shorts, lined the route of the 74
year-old rabbi's motor- cade into the ultra orthodox area of Mea Shearim
where a giant reception was laid on. Rabbi Teitelbaum, who speaks
Yiddish, heads the Satmar sect and also all Hasidic anti-Zionist groups
in the Eda Haredit movement - the commu- nity which trembles before God
- who turned out to welcome him. The Satmar lists more than 30,000
families in the United States, Britain and Belgium among its followers.
Only about 400 Satmar families live in Israel. The white-bearded rabbi
refuses to meet Israeli govern- ment officials. A millionaire New York
Hasid shelled out a reported $500,000 to cover all costs of the two-week
visit, including limou- sines and more than 10~) rental cars for the
rabbi's entourage . Rabbi Teitelbaum intends to encourage his community
in the Holy Land not to make any con- cession to the Jewish state and to
distribute financial assistance. The ultra-orthodox anti- Zionist Jews
believe that the Messiah alone, not man, can res- urrect Israel. Tens of
thousands of Hassidic men waited patiently in Jerusalem's Sabbath Square
for more than two hours to greet their white-bearded spiritual leader.
Women, who under Jewish ritual law cannot mix freely with men, were kept
back behind ropes, beggars tripped over one another as charity tins
rattled to the heat of festive music. "All the roads in the ultra
orthodox neighbourhoods have been decorated in honour of this historic
event, which we call a royal visit," said Satmar spokesman Yehuda Meshi
Zahav. As Rabbi Teitelbaum's lim- ousine waded into a sea of black coats
and wide-brimmed felt hats, the Hassidim went into a frenzy. Dozens of
car and van roofs were crushed as men climbed on to the parked vehi-
cles.
3. Islamic Spirituality ................................. by Abdal-Hakim Murad
...................................... from Masud Khan
Islamic Spirituality
by
Abdal-Hakim Murad
from
Masud Khan
Below is an article sent to me by 'Abdal-Hakim Murad, it first appeared
in Islamica Magazine. Full permission is granted by the author to
reproduce this article.
wa'asalaam
Mas'ud
Numbers appearing in [] are references to foot notes which are attached
at the end of this article.
-=O=-
I S L A M I C S P I R I T U A L I T Y
The Forgotten Revolution
Abdal-Hakim Murad
THE POVERTY OF FANATICISM
'Blood is no argument', as Shakespeare observed. Sadly, Muslim ranks are
today swollen with those who disagree. The World Trade Centre,
yesterday's symbol of global finance, has today become a monument to the
failure of global Islam to control those who believe that the West can
be bullied into changing its wayward ways towards the East. There is no
real excuse to hand. It is simply not enough to clamour, as many have
done, about 'chickens coming home to roost', and to protest that
Washington's acquiescence in Israeli policies of ethnic cleansing is the
inevitable generator of such hate. It is of course true - as Shabbir
Akhtar has noted - that powerlessness can corrupt as insistently as does
power. But to comprehend is not to sanction or even to empathize. To
take innocent life to achieve a goal is the hallmark of the most extreme
secular utilitarian ethic, and stands at the opposite pole of the
absolute moral constraints required by religion.
There was a time, not long ago, when the 'ultras' were few, forming only
a tiny wart on the face of the worldwide attempt to revivify Islam.
Sadly, we can no longer enjoy the luxury of ignoring them. The extreme
has broadened, and the middle ground, giving way, is everywhere
dislocated and confused. And this enfeeblement of the middle ground, the
wasat enjoined by the Prophetic example, is in turn accelerated by the
opprobrium which the extremists bring not simply upon themselves, but
upon committed Muslims everywhere. For here, as elsewhere, the
preferences of the media work firmly against us. David Koresh could
broadcast his fringe Biblical message from Ranch Apocalypse without the
image of Christianity, or even its Adventist wing, being in any way
besmirched. But when a fringe Islamic group bombs Swedish tourists in
Cairo, the muck is instantly spread over 'militant Muslims' everywhere.
If these things go on, the Islamic movement will cease to form an
authentic summons to cultural and spiritual renewal, and will exist as
little more than a splintered array of maniacal factions. The prospect
of such an appalling and humiliating end to the story of a religion
which once surpassed all others in its capacity for tolerating debate
and dissent is now a real possibility. The entire experience of Islamic
work over the past fifteen years has been one of increasing
radicalization, driven by the perceived failure of the traditional
Islamic institutions and the older Muslim movements to lead the Muslim
peoples into the worthy but so far chimerical promised land of the
'Islamic State.'
If this final catastrophe is to be averted, the mainstream will have to
regain the initiative. But for this to happen, it must begin by
confessing that the radical critique of moderation has its force. The
Islamic movement has so far been remarkably unsuccessful. We must ask
ourselves how it is that a man like Nasser, a butcher, a failed soldier
and a cynical demagogue, could have taken over a country as pivotal as
Egypt, despite the vacuity of his beliefs, while the Muslim Brotherhood,
with its pullulating millions of members, should have failed, and failed
continuously, for six decades. The radical accusation of a failure in
methodology cannot fail to strike home in such a context of dismal and
prolonged inadequacy.
It is in this context - startlingly, perhaps, but inescapably - that we
must present our case for the revival of the spiritual life within
Islam. If it is ever to prosper, the 'Islamic revival' must be made to
see that it is in crisis, and that its mental resources are proving
insufficient to meet contemporary needs. The response to this must be
grounded in an act of collective muhasaba, of self-examination, in terms
that transcend the ideologised neo-Islam of the revivalists, and return
to a more classical and indigenously Muslim dialectic.
Symptomatic of the disease is the fact that among all the explanations
offered for the crisis of the Islamic movement, the only authentically
Muslim interpretation, namely, that God should not be lending it His
support, is conspicuously absent. It is true that we frequently hear the
Quranic verse which states that "God does not change the condition of a
people until they change the condition of their own selves." [1] But
never, it seems, is this principle intelligently grasped. It is assumed
that the sacred text is here doing no more than to enjoin individual
moral reform as a precondition for collective societal success. Nothing
could be more hazardous, however, than to measure such moral reform
against the yardstick of the fiqh without giving concern to whether the
virtues gained have been acquired through conformity (a relatively
simple task), or proceed spontaneously from a genuine realignment of the
soul. The verse is speaking of a spiritual change, specifically, a
transformation of the nafs of the believers - not a moral one. And as
the Blessed Prophet never tired of reminding us, there is little value
in outward conformity to the rules unless this conformity is mirrored
and engendered by an authentically righteous disposition of the heart.
'No-one shall enter the Garden by his works,' as he expressed it.
Meanwhile, the profoundly judgemental and works- oriented tenor of
modern revivalist Islam (we must shun the problematic buzz-word
'fundamentalism'), fixated on visible manifestations of morality, has
failed to address the underlying question of what revelation is for. For
it is theological nonsense to suggest that God's final concern is with
our ability to conform to a complex set of rules. His concern is rather
that we should be restored, through our labours and His grace, to that
state of purity and equilibrium with which we were born. The rules are a
vital means to that end, and are facilitated by it. But they do not take
its place.
To make this point, the Holy Quran deploys a striking metaphor. In Sura
Ibrahim, verses 24 to 26, we read:
Have you not seen how God coineth a likeness: a goodly word like a
goodly tree, the root whereof is set firm, its branch in the heaven? It
bringeth forth its fruit at every time, by the leave of its Lord. Thus
doth God coin likenesses for men, that perhaps they may reflect. And the
likeness of an evil word is that of an evil tree that hath been torn up
by the root from upon the earth, possessed of no stability.
According to the scholars of tafsir, the reference here is to the
'words' (kalima) of faith and unfaith. The former is illustrated as a
natural growth, whose florescence of moral and intellectual achievement
is nourished by firm roots, which in turn denote the basis of faith: the
quality of the proofs one has received, and the certainty and sound
awareness of God which alone signify that one is firmly grounded in the
reality of existence. The fruits thus yielded - the palpable benefits of
the religious life - are permanent ('at every time'), and are not man's
own accomplishment, for they only come 'by the leave of its Lord'. Thus
is the sound life of faith. The contrast is then drawn with the only
alternative: kufr, which is not grounded in reality but in illusion, and
is hence 'possessed of no stability'.[2]
This passage, reminiscent of some of the binary categorisations of human
types presented early on in Surat al-Baqara, precisely encapsulates the
relationship between faith and works, the hierarchy which exists between
them, and the sustainable balance between nourishment and fructition,
between taking and giving, which true faith must maintain.
It is against this criterion that we must judge the quality of
contemporary 'activist' styles of faith. Is the young 'ultra', with his
intense rage which can sometimes render him liable to nervous disorders,
and his fixation on a relatively narrow range of issues and concerns,
really firmly rooted, and fruitful, in the sense described by this
Quranic image?
Let me point to the answer with an example drawn from my own experience.
I used to know , quite well, a leader of the radical 'Islamic' group,
the Jama'at Islamiya, at the Egyptian university of Assiut. His name was
Hamdi. He grew a luxuriant beard, was constantly scrubbing his teeth
with his miswak, and spent his time preaching hatred of the Coptic
Christians, a number of whom were actually attacked and beaten up as a
result of his khutbas. He had hundreds of followers; in fact, Assiut
today remains a citadel of hardline, Wahhabi-style activism.
The moral of the story is that some five years after this acquaintance,
providence again brought me face to face with Shaikh Hamdi. This time,
chancing to see him on a Cairo street, I almost failed to recognise him.
The beard was gone. He was in trousers and a sweater. More astonishing
still was that he was walking with a young Western girl who turned out
to be an Australian, whom, as he sheepishly explained to me, he was
intending to marry. I talked to him, and it became clear that he was no
longer even a minimally observant Muslim, no longer prayed, and that his
ambition in life was to leave Egypt, live in Australia, and make money.
What was extraordinary was that his experiences in Islamic activism had
made no impression on him - he was once again the same distracted,
ordinary Egyptian youth he had been before his conversion to 'radical
Islam'.
This phenomenon, which we might label 'salafi burnout', is a recognised
feature of many modern Muslim cultures. An initial enthusiasm, gained
usually in one's early twenties, loses steam some seven to ten years
later. Prison and torture - the frequent lot of the Islamic radical -
may serve to prolong commitment, but ultimately, a majority of these
neo-Muslims relapse, seemingly no better or worse for their experience
in the cult-like universe of the salafi mindset.
This ephemerality of extremist activism should be as suspicious as its
content. Authentic Muslim faith is simply not supposed to be this
fragile; as the Qur'an says, its root is meant to be 'set firm'. One has
to conclude that of the two trees depicted in the Quranic image, salafi
extremism resembles the second rather than the first. After all, the
Sahaba were not known for a transient commitment: their devotion and
piety remained incomparably pure until they died.
What attracts young Muslims to this type of ephemeral but ferocious
activism? One does not have to subscribe to determinist social theories
to realise the importance of the almost universal condition of
insecurity which Muslim societies are now experiencing. The Islamic
world is passing through a most devastating period of transition. A
history of economic and scientific change which in Europe took five
hundred years, is, in the Muslim world, being squeezed into a couple of
generations. For instance, only thirty-five years ago the capital of
Saudi Arabia was a cluster of mud huts, as it had been for thousands of
years. Today's Riyadh is a hi-tech megacity of glass towers, Coke
machines, and gliding Cadillacs. This is an extreme case, but to some
extent the dislocations of modernity are common to every Muslim society,
excepting, perhaps, a handful of the most remote tribal peoples.
Such a transition period, with its centrifugal forces which allow
nothing to remain constant, makes human beings very insecure. They look
around for something to hold onto, that will give them an identity. In
our case, that something is usually Islam. And because they are being
propelled into it by this psychic sense of insecurity, rather than by
the more normal processes of conversion and faith, they lack some of the
natural religious virtues, which are acquired by contact with a
continuous tradition, and can never be learnt from a book.
One easily visualises how this works. A young Arab, part of an oversized
family, competing for scarce jobs, unable to marry because he is poor,
perhaps a migrant to a rapidly expanding city, feels like a man lost in
a desert without signposts. One morning he picks up a copy of Sayyid
Qutb from a newsstand, and is 'born-again' on the spot. This is what he
needed: instant certainty, a framework in which to interpret the
landscape before him, to resolve the problems and tensions of his life,
and, even more deliciously, a way of feeling superior and in control. He
joins a group, and, anxious to retain his newfound certainty, accepts
the usual proposition that all the other groups are mistaken.
This, of course, is not how Muslim religious conversion is supposed to
work. It is meant to be a process of intellectual maturation, triggered
by the presence of a very holy person or place. Tawba, in its
traditional form, yields an outlook of joy, contentment, and a deep
affection for others. The modern type of tawba, however, born of
insecurity, often makes Muslims narrow, intolerant, and exclusivist.
Even more noticeably, it produces people whose faith is, despite its
apparent intensity, liable to vanish as suddenly as it came. Deprived of
real nourishment, the activist's soul can only grow hungry and
emaciated, until at last it dies.
THE ACTIVISM WITHIN
How should we respond to this disorder? We must begin by remembering
what Islam is for. As we noted earlier, our din is not, ultimately, a
manual of rules which, when meticulously followed, becomes a passport to
paradise. Instead, it is a package of social, intellectual and spiritual
technology whose purpose is to cleanse the human heart. In the Qur'an,
the Lord says that on the Day of Judgement, nothing will be of any use
to us, except a sound heart (qalbun salim).[3] And in a famous hadith,
the Prophet, upon whom be blessings and peace, says that "Verily in the
body there is a piece of flesh. If it is sound, the body is all sound.
If it is corrupt, the body is all corrupt. Verily, it is the heart."
Mindful of this commandment, under which all the other commandments of
Islam are subsumed, and which alone gives them meaning, the Islamic
scholars have worked out a science, an ilm, of analysing the 'states' of
the heart, and the methods of bringing it into this condition of
soundness. In the fullness of time, this science acquired the name
tasawwuf, in English 'Sufism' - a traditional label for what we might
nowadays more intelligibly call 'Islamic psychology.'
At this point, many hackles are raised and well-rehearsed objections
voiced. It is vital to understand that mainstream Sufism is not, and
never has been, a doctrinal system, or a school of thought - a madhhab.
It is, instead, a set of insights and practices which operate within the
various Islamic madhhabs; in other words, it is not a madhhab, it is an
ilm. And like most of the other Islamic ulum, it was not known by name,
or in its later developed form, in the age of the Prophet (upon him be
blessings and peace) or his Companions. This does not make it less
legitimate. There are many Islamic sciences which only took shape many
years after the Prophetic age: usul al-fiqh, for instance, or the
innumerable technical disciplines of hadith.
Now this, of course, leads us into the often misunderstood area of sunna
and bid'a, two notions which are wielded as blunt instruments by many
contemporary activists, but which are often grossly misunderstood. The
classic Orientalist thesis is of course that Islam, as an 'arid Semitic
religion', failed to incorporate mechanisms for its own development, and
that it petrified upon the death of its founder. This, however, is a
nonsense rooted in the ethnic determinism of the nineteenth century
historians who had shaped the views of the early Orientalist
synthesizers (Muir, Le Bon, Renan, Caetani). Islam, as the religion
designed for the end of time, has in fact proved itself eminently
adaptable to the rapidly changing conditions which characterise this
final and most 'entropic' stage of history.
What is a bid'a, according to the classical definitions of Islamic law?
We all know the famous hadith:
Beware of matters newly begun, for every matter newly begun is
innovation, every innovation is misguidance, and every misguidance is in
Hell.[4]
Does this mean that everything introduced into Islam that was not known
to the first generation of Muslims is to be rejected? The classical
ulema do not accept such a literalistic interpretation.
Let us take a definition from Imam al-Shafi'i, an authority universally
accepted in Sunni Islam. Imam al-Shafi'i writes:
There are two kinds of introduced matters (muhdathat). One is that which
contradicts a text of the Qur'an, or the Sunna, or a report from the
early Muslims (athar), or the consensus (ijma') of the Muslims: this is
an 'innovation of misguidance' (bid'at dalala). The second kind is that
which is in itself good and entails no contradiction of any of these
authorities: this is a 'non-reprehensible innovation' (bid'a ghayr
madhmuma).[5]
This basic distinction between acceptable and unacceptable forms of
bid'a is recognised by the overwhelming majority of classical ulema.
Among some, for instance al-Izz ibn Abd al-Salam (one of the half-dozen
or so great mujtahids of Islamic history), innovations fall under the
five axiological headings of the Shari'a: the obligatory (wajib), the
recommended (mandub), the permissible (mubah), the offensive (makruh),
and the forbidden (haram).[6]
Under the category of 'obligatory innovation', Ibn Abd al-Salam gives
the following examples: recording the Qur'an and the laws of Islam in
writing at a time when it was feared that they would be lost, studying
Arabic grammar in order to resolve controversies over the Qur'an, and
developing philosophical theology (kalam) to refute the claims of the
Mu'tazilites.
Category two is 'recommended innovation'. Under this heading the ulema
list such activities as building madrasas, writing books on beneficial
Islamic subjects, and in-depth studies of Arabic linguistics.
Category three is 'permissible', or 'neutral innovation', including
worldly activities such as sifting flour, and constructing houses in
various styles not known in Medina.
Category four is the 'reprehensible innovation'. This includes such
misdemeanours as overdecorating mosques or the Qur'an.
Category five is the 'forbidden innovation'. This includes unlawful
taxes, giving judgeships to those unqualified to hold them, and
sectarian beliefs and practices that explicitly contravene the known
principles of the Qur'an and the Sunna.
The above classification of bid'a types is normal in classical Shari'a
literature, being accepted by the four schools of orthodox fiqh. There
have been only two significant exceptions to this understanding in the
history of Islamic thought: the Zahiri school as articulated by Ibn
Hazm, and one wing of the Hanbali madhhab, represented by Ibn Taymiya,
who goes against the classical ijma' on this issue, and claims that all
forms of innovation, good or bad, are un-Islamic.
Why is it, then, that so many Muslims now believe that innovation in any
form is unacceptable in Islam? One factor has already been touched on:
the mental complexes thrown up by insecurity, which incline people to
find comfort in absolutist and literalist interpretations. Another lies
in the influence of the well-financed neo-Hanbali madhhab called
Wahhabism, whose leaders are famous for their rejection of all
possibility of development.
In any case, armed with this more sophisticated and classical awareness
of Islam's ability to acknowledge and assimilate novelty, we can
understand how Muslim civilisation was able so quickly to produce novel
academic disciplines to deal with new problems as these arose.
Islamic psychology is characteristic of the new ulum which, although
present in latent and implicit form in the Quran, were first
systematized in Islamic culture during the early Abbasid period. Given
the importance that the Quran attaches to obtaining a 'sound heart', we
are not surprised to find that the influence of Islamic psychology has
been massive and all-pervasive. In the formative first four centuries of
Islam, the time when the great works of tafsir, hadith, grammar, and so
forth were laid down, the ulema also applied their minds to this problem
of al-qalb al-salim. This was first visible when, following the example
of the Tabi'in, many of the early ascetics, such as Sufyan ibn Uyayna,
Sufyan al-Thawri, and Abdallah ibn al-Mubarak, had focussed their
concerns explicitly on the art of purifying the heart. The methods they
recommended were frequent fasting and night prayer, periodic retreats,
and a preoccupation with murabata: service as volunteer fighters in the
border castles of Asia Minor.
This type of pietist orientation was not in the least systematic during
this period. It was a loose category embracing all Muslims who sought
salvation through the Prophetic virtues of renunciation, sincerity, and
deep devotion to the revelation. These men and women were variously
referred to as al-bakka'un: 'the weepers', because of their fear of the
Day of Judgement, or as zuhhad, ascetics, or ubbad, 'unceasing
worshippers'.
By the third century, however, we start to find writings which can be
understood as belonging to a distinct devotional school. The increasing
luxury and materialism of Abbasid urban society spurred many Muslims to
campaign for a restoration of the simplicity of the Prophetic age.
Purity of heart, compassion for others, and a constant recollection of
God were the defining features of this trend. We find references to the
method of muhasaba: self-examination to detect impurities of intention.
Also stressed was riyada: self-discipline.
By this time, too, the main outlines of Quranic psychology had been
worked out. The human creature, it was realised, was made up of four
constituent parts: the body (jism), the mind (aql), the spirit (ruh),
and the self (nafs). The first two need little comment. Less familiar
(at least to people of a modern education) are the third and fourth
categories.
The spirit is the ruh, that underlying essence of the human individual
which survives death. It is hard to comprehend rationally, being in part
of Divine inspiration, as the Quran says: "And they ask you about the
spirit; say, the spirit is of the command of my Lord. And you have been
given of knowledge only a little."[7]
According to the early Islamic psychologists, the ruh is a non-material
reality which pervades the entire human body, but is centred on the
heart, the qalb. It represents that part of man which is not of this
world, and which connects him with his Creator, and which, if he is
fortunate, enables him to see God in the next world. When we are born,
this ruh is intact and pure. As we are initiated into the distractions
of the world, however, it is covered over with the 'rust' (ran) of which
the Quran speaks. This rust is made up of two things: sin and
distraction. When, through the process of self-discipline, these are
banished, so that the worshipper is preserved from sin and is focussing
entirely on the immediate presence and reality of God, the rust is
dissolved, and the ruh once again is free. The heart is sound; and
salvation, and closeness to God, are achieved.
This sounds simple enough. However, the early Muslims taught that such
precious things come only at an appropriate price. Cleaning up the
Augean stables of the heart is a most excruciating challenge. Outward
conformity to the rules of religion is simple enough; but it is only the
first step. Much more demanding is the policy known as mujahada: the
daily combat against the lower self, the nafs. As the Quran says: 'As
for him that fears the standing before his Lord, and forbids his nafs
its desires, for him, Heaven shall be his place of resort.'[8] Hence the
Sufi commandment: 'Slaughter your ego with the knives of mujahada.'[9]
Once the nafs is controlled, then the heart is clear, and the virtues
proceed from it easily and naturally.
Because its objective is nothing less than salvation, this vital Islamic
science has been consistently expounded by the great scholars of
classical Islam. While today there are many Muslims, influenced by
either Wahhabi or Orientalist agendas, who believe that Sufism has
always led a somewhat marginal existence in Islam, the reality is that
the overwhelming majority of the classical scholars were actively
involved in Sufism.
The early Shafi'i scholars of Khurasan: al-Hakim al-Nisaburi, Ibn Furak,
al-Qushayri and al-Bayhaqi, were all Sufis who formed links in the
richest academic tradition of Abbasid Islam, which culminated in the
achievement of Imam Hujjat al-Islam al-Ghazali. Ghazali himself, author
of some three hundred books, including the definitive rebuttals of Arab
philosophy and the Ismailis, three large textbooks of Shafi'i fiqh, the
best-known tract of usul al-fiqh, two works on logic, and several
theological treatises, also left us with the classic statement of
orthodox Sufism: the Ihya Ulum al-Din, a book of which Imam Nawawi
remarked: "Were the books of Islam all to be l ost, excepting only the
Ihya', it would suffice to replace them all."[10]
Imam Nawawi himself wrote two books which record his debt to Sufism, one
called the Bustan al-Arifin ('Garden of the Gnostics', and another
called the Kitab al-Maqasid (recently published in English translation,
Sunna Books, Evanston Il. trans. Nuh Keller).
Among the Malikis, too, Sufism was popular. Al-Sawi, al-Dardir,
al-Laqqani and Abd al-Wahhab al-Baghdadi were all exponents of Sufism.
The Maliki jurist of Cairo, Abd al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani defines Sufism as
follows:
'The path of the Sufis is built on the Quran and the Sunna, and is based
on living according to the morals of the prophets and the purified ones.
It may not be blamed, unless it violates an explicit statement from the
Quran, sunna, or ijma. If it does not contravene any of these sources,
then no pretext remains for condemning it, except one's own low opinion
of others, or interpreting what they do as ostentation, which is
unlawful. No-one denies the states of the Sufis except someone ignorant
of the way they are.'[11]
For Hanbali Sufism one has to look no further than the revered figures
of Abdallah Ansari, Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, Ibn al-Jawzi, and Ibn Rajab.
In fact, virtually all the great luminaries of medieval Islam:
al-Suyuti, Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, al-Ayni, Ibn Khaldun, al-Subki, Ibn
Hajar al-Haytami; tafsir writers like Baydawi, al-Sawi, Abu'l-Su'ud,
al-Baghawi, and Ibn Kathir[12] ; aqida writers such as Taftazani,
al-Nasafi, al-Razi: all wrote in support of Sufism. Many, indeed,
composed independent works of Sufi inspiration. The ulema of the great
dynasties of Islamic history, including the Ottomans and the Moghuls,
were deeply infused with the Sufi outlook, regarding it as one of the
most central and indispensable of Islamic sciences.
Further confirmation of the Islamic legitimacy of Sufism is supplied by
the enthusiasm of its exponents for carrying Islam beyond the boundaries
of the Islamic world. The Islamization process in India, Black Africa,
and South-East Asia was carried out largely at the hands of wandering
Sufi teachers. Likewise, the Islamic obligation of jihad has been borne
with especial zeal by the Sufi orders. All the great nineteenth century
jihadists: Uthman dan Fodio (Hausaland), al-Sanousi (Libya), Abd
al-Qadir al-Jaza'iri (Algeria), Imam Shamil (Daghestan) and the leaders
of the Padre Rebellion (Sumatra) were active practitioners of Sufism,
writing extensively on it while on their campaigns. Nothing is further
from reality, in fact, than the claim that Sufism represents a quietist
and non-militant form of Islam.
With all this, we confront a paradox. Why is it, if Sufism has been so
respected a part of Muslim intellectual and political life throughout
our history, that there are, nowadays, angry voices raised against it?
There are two fundamental reasons here.
Firstly, there is again the pervasive influence of Orientalist
scholarship, which, at least before 1922 when Massignon wrote his Essai
sur les origines de la lexique technique, was of the opinion that
something so fertile and profound as Sufism could never have grown from
the essentially 'barren and legalistic' soil of Islam. Orientalist works
translated into Muslim languages were influential upon key Muslim
modernists - such as Muhammad Abduh in his later writings - who began to
question the centrality, or even the legitimacy, of Sufi discourse in
Islam.
Secondly, there is the emergence of the Wahhabi da'wa. When Muhammad ibn
Abd al-Wahhab, some two hundred years ago, teamed up with the Saudi
tribe and attacked the neighbouring clans, he was doing so under the
sign of an essentially neo-Kharijite version of Islam. Although he
invoked Ibn Taymiya, he had reservations even about him. For Ibn Taymiya
himself, although critical of the excesses of certain Sufi groups, had
been committed to a branch of mainstream Sufism. This is clear, for
instance, in Ibn Taymiya's work Sharh Futuh al-Ghayb, a commentary on
some technical points in the Openings of the Unseen, a key work by the
sixth-century saint of Baghdad, Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani. Throughout the
work Ibn Taymiya shows himself to be a loyal disciple of al-Jilani, whom
he always refers to as shaykhuna ('our teacher'). This Qadiri
affiliation is confirmed in the later literature of the Qadiri tariqa,
which records Ibn Taymiya as a key link in the silsila, the chain of
transmission of Qadiri teachings.[13]
Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, however, went far beyond this. Raised in the
wastelands of Najd in Central Arabia, he had little access to mainstream
Muslim scholarship. In fact, when his da'wa appeared and became
notorious, the scholars and muftis of the day applied to it the famous
Hadith of Najd:
Ibn Umar reported the Prophet (upon whom be blessings and peace) as
saying: "Oh God, bless us in our Syria; O God, bless us in our Yemen."
Those present said: "And in our Najd, O Messenger of God!" but he said,
"O God, bless us in our Syria; O God, bless us in our Yemen." Those
present said, "And in our Najd, O Messenger of God!". Ibn Umar said that
he thought that he said on the third occasion: "Earthquakes and
dissensions (fitna) are there, and there shall arise the horn of the
devil."[14]
And it is significant that almost uniquely among the lands of Islam,
Najd has never produced scholars of any repute.
The Najd-based da'wa of the Wahhabis, however, began to be heard more
loudly following the explosion of Saudi oil wealth. Many, even most,
Islamic publishing houses in Cairo and Beirut are now subsidised by
Wahhabi organisations, which prevent them from publishing traditional
works on Sufism, and remove passages in other works considered
unacceptable to Wahhabist doctrine.
The neo-Kharijite nature of Wahhabism makes it intolerant of all other
forms of Islamic expression. However, because it has no coherent fiqh of
its own - it rejects the orthodox madhhabs - and has only the most basic
and primitively anthropomorphic aqida, it has a fluid, amoebalike
tendency to produce divisions and subdivisions among those who profess
it. No longer are the Islamic groups essentially united by a consistent
madhhab and the Ash'ari [or Maturidi] aqida. Instead, they are all
trying to derive the shari'a and the aqida from the Quran and the Sunna
by themselves. The result is the appalling state of division and
conflict which disfigures the modern salafi condition.
At this critical moment in our history, the umma has only one realistic
hope for survival, and that is to restore the 'middle way', defined by
that sophisticated classical consensus which was worked out over painful
centuries of debate and scholarship. That consensus alone has the
demonstrable ability to provide a basis for unity. But it can only be
retrieved when we improve the state of our hearts, and fill them with
the Islamic virtues of affection, respect, tolerance and reconciliation.
This inner reform, which is the traditional competence of Sufism, is a
precondition for the restoration of unity in the Islamic movement. The
alternative is likely to be continued, and agonising, failure.
NOTES
1 Sura 13:11.
2 For a further analysis of this passage, see Habib Ahmad Mashhur
al-Haddad, Key to the Garden (London 1990 CE), 78-81.
3 Sura 26:89. The archetype is Abrahamic: see Sura 37:84.
4 This hadith is in fact an instance of takhsis al-amm: a frequent
procedure of usul al-fiqh by which an apparently unqualified statement
is qualified to avoid the contradiction of another necessary principle.
See Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller, tr. Nuh Keller
(Abu Dhabi, 1991 CE), 907-8 for some further examples.
5 Ibn Asakir, Tabyin Kadhib al-Muftari (Damascus, 1347), 97.
6 Cited in Muhammad al-Jurdani, al-Jawahir al-lu'lu'iyya fi sharh
al-Arba'in al-Nawawiya (Damascus, 1328), 220-1.
7 17:85.
8 79:40.
9 al-Qushayri, al-Risala (Cairo, n.d.), I, 393.
10 al-Zabidi, Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqin (Cairo, 1311), I, 27.
11 Sha'rani, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra (Cairo, 1374), I, 4.
12 It is true that Ibn Kathir in his Bidaya is critical of some later
Sufis. Nonetheless, in his mawlid, which he asked his pupils to recite
on the occasion of the Blessed Prophet's birthday each year, he makes
his personal debt to a conservative and sober Sufism quite clear.
13 See G. Makdisi's article 'Ibn Taymiyya: A Sufi of the Qadiriya Order'
in the American Journal of Arabic Studies, 1973.
14 Narrated by Bukhari. The translation is from J. Robson, Mishkat
al-Masabih (Lahore, 1970), II, 1380.
Abdal-Hakim Murad is presently a research student at Oxford University.
He studied Arabic at University of Cambridge and at al-Azhar University
in Cairo and has translated a number of Islamic works including
Bayhaqi's "Seventy-Seven Branches of Faith" (Quillan Press,1992),
al-Ghazali's "Rememberance of Death and the Afterlife" (Islamic Texts
Society, Cambridge) and has recently completed the translation of
Al-Ghazali's "Breaking of the Two Desires" (Islamic Texts Society,
Cambridge). He is also know as T.J.Winter.
Announcements ................................................................
4. Conference call with Dr. Zahar ................................. by Mustafa
Conference call with Dr. Zahar
by
Mustafa
Title: Dr. Zahar Conference Call
THE PEACE PROCESS AND THE PALESTINIAN NATIONAL AUTHORITY
Listen to Dr. Mahmoud Al-Zahar (A Leading Islamist Political Activist in
Gaza)
In a Telephone Conference Call
Friday Sept. 16, 1994 [9:15pm and 11:15pm Eastern Time]
- What has the peace process initiated by the Oslo Accords achieved? -
What is the current role of the Palestinian National Authority? - What
is the future of Palestinian Autonomy?
And other questions will be answered by Dr. Zahar who was one of the
former deportees and has been improsioned numerous times.
A TRANSLATION WILL BE PROVIDED IN ENGLISH ON A SEPARATE LINE.
COST: $25.00 for each line.
To join, call IAP at (214)669-9595 Questions can be sent by fax before
Sept. 16 at (214)669-9597
5. ftp site for Islamic literature ............................ by Asim Mughal
ftp site for Islamic literature
by
Asim Mughal
AssalaamOAlaikum,
I have downloaded 21 dawa brochures of "Institute of Islamic Information &
Education" (III&E) on Caltech MSA ftp site. These are files archived by
"Islamic Information & News Network" (muslims@asuacad.bitnet). These
brochures are in: /pub/calmsa/iiie directory.
I have also added link in Caltech MSA home page on WWW for these brochures.
These brochures are a very good source of basic information on Islam. You
may want to refer them to those interested in Islam.
Wassalaam,
Br.Asim Mughal
P.S. Here is the "README.iiie" file in /iiie directory
## File: README.iiie
##
## Last Updated: Sept 11, 1994
## By: Br.Asim Mughal
##
AssalaamOAlaikum,
This is permanent archive for Islamic Dawa brochures published by
Institute of Islamic Information & Education (III&E).
This site is jointly maintained by Caltech MSA & Islamic Information
and News Network (IINN). The dawa brochures have been made archives
of IINN. These brochures are also accessible thru Caltech MSA WWW
Home page. (http://www.cco.caltech.edu/~calmsa/)
Additional brochures will be added when made available.
Any questions should addressed to: Br.Asim Mughal (mughal@caltech.edu)
__________________________________________________________________________
README.iiie This file
iiie.intro What is III&E?
_____________________________________________________________________________
LIST OF DAWA BROCHURES OF III&E
FILE NAMES: TOPIC
_____________________________________________________________________________
01.introducting.islam Introducing Islam
02.concept.God Concept of God in Islam
03.prophethood Prophethood in Islam
04.life.death Life After Death
05.concept.worship Concept of Worship
06.moral.system Moral System
07.human.rights Human Rights in Islam
08.jesus Is Jesus Really God?
09.islam.other Islam as Other
10.choosing.islam Choosing Islam
11.say.islam What They Say About Islam
12.say.muhammad What They Say About Muhammad (pbuh)
13.polygamy Who Practices Polygamy?
14.say.quran What They Say About the Qur'an
15.sword.islam The Sword of Islam
16.know.man You Should Know This Man
17.yusuf.islam Yusuf Islam (Cat Stevens)
19.islam.farrakhanism Islam or Farrakhanism
20.malcom.x Malcolm X
21.women.lib Women's Liberation Through Islam
22.trinity Who Invented Trinity?
___________________________________________________________________
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| Islamic Information & News Network - Executive Committee |
| -------------------------------------------------------- |
| Nauman Kassim Mysorewala - Listserv Owner/Coordinator |
| Asim Mughal - Listserv Owner/P.R. /Spokesman |
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| Arif Irfanullah - Editor |
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