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Roots of African Politico-Economic Instability: The Kenyan Example
By Matunda Nyanchama, President of the Kenyan Community Abroad (KCA)
e-mail: president@kenyansabroad.org



Excerpts of a speech delivered to the International & Exchange Students at
McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. November 20, 2001.



Before independence


In reminiscing about the struggle for freedom, Nelson Mandela cites, among
his heroes, one Field Marshal Dedan Kimathi, the 1950s guerrilla leader of
the Kenyan Land Freedom Army (KLFA). Commonly known as Mau Mau, this army
made history for being the first real guerrilla movement in Africa. Many
other movements would follow in the Mau Mau's footsteps in the fight for
independence. Frelimo in Mozambique, MPLA & Unita in Angola, African
National Congress in South Africa, South Western Africa People Organization
(Swapo), Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) and Zimbabwe African People'
s Union (Zapu) are a few such examples.



For older generations, Kenya is intricately associated with the history of
liberation and the role of the Mau Mau, the coming of independence under the
leadership of a flamboyant, elder statesman in the name of Jomo Kenyatta and
the call for Harambee as a force for self-help, social and economic
transformation.



An earlier generation will recall that Britain colonized Kenya following the
Berlin Conference of 1884 when European powers parceled out chunks of
African real estate for themselves. The name Kenya is a corruption of the
Kirinyaga the local name for the highest mountain in the country, Mt Kenya.



From conquered territories, European powers hoped to feed and did feed their
northern economies with loot acquired, using native labour, from these new
lands; loot extracted from the sweat and toil of native populations.
Remember that this followed the abolition of the lucrative trans-Atlantic
slave trade and the colonial powers were in search of new sources of wealth.



As sign of the exploitative nature of the colonial powers, most
communication from the hinterland led to port cities. In Tanzania, Malawi
and Kenya railway lines are one-track spindles that snake through mountains,
valleys and hills to seaports. Much has not changed to date. Indeed, the
same is true of modern communications where it is easier to reach European
and American cities than it is to reach town and capitals within the African
continent.



Colonial history saw Kenya as a "white man's country"; what with the fertile
real estate, a suitable tropical but highland climate removed from the
ravages of the mosquito and tsetse fly in the valleys and lowlands and a
complacent conquered polulation. The climate suited ranching and cash crop
development. For young prospective British farmers, this was a perfect
destination, especially following post-war (I & II) unemployment of
ex-soldiers. The book and movie "White Mischief" document the decadent lives
of the settlers and their exploits; the famous movie,  "Out of Africa", is
yet the tale of the white man's view of things in colonial Kenya. Here
African life, of farm work and servitude contrasted deeply with the masters'
mission to "civilize the savages".



The legacy of colonialism lingers to date. Many a Kenyan believes in the
superiority of the white race and the Christian religion over indigenous
modes of worship. Others believe the myth told that Africans are descendants
of Ham, Adam's cursed son.



Kenyan resistance dates back to the arrival of the colonialists. Waiyaki wa
Hinga, among others resisted colonial incursions to Kenyan lands. The
Maasai, a proud people of pastoral stock held the European march for a long
time. In Kisii the movement called enyamumbo was one of boycott of European
rule and protest against forced labour. In the 1920s Harry Thuku, a fiery
trade unionist was calling for the country's independence. Native
demonstrations resulted in major fatalities as they were brutally crushed
with superior firepower.



Land remained the central element of conflict as it does today. In 1928,
Jomo Kenyatta was drafted to make presentations to His Majesty's government
for the return of appropriated lands. Kenyatta, who would later become the
country's independence president, spent many years in Europe, most of it in
London during which he made key petitions on behalf of local populations for
the return of stolen lands. He would later meet with great Pan Africanists
such as Kwame Nkrumah and George Padmore as the agitation for the return of
lands turned into calls for independence.



The coming of World War II was a watershed in African history, Kenya
included. It came through African soldiers drafted to fight on behalf of
colonial powers. The war exposed the lies of white superiority perfected by
colonial regimes and the Christian Church. Bildad Kaggia, a Kenyan freedom
fighter that went to the war says in his book "Roots of Freedom" that he,
for once, noticed white people bleed and die just like the black soldiers
they fought alongside. The white soldiers ailed and succumbed to disease, as
did the black soldiers. World War II removed the veil of lies. This, in
turn, emboldened the campaign for independence.



The Mau Mau movement was an offshoot of this agitation. The colonial
government crackdown and summary execution of captured fighters was one of
the most brutal in guerrilla history.



Kenyan people continued to strive for independence and when it did come, it
was a negotiated compromise. Here the nationalistic Kenyan African National
Union (Kanu) reached a tactical compromise with the settler based Kenya
African Democratic Union (Kadu). No sooner did independence come than the
reactionary Kadu dissolved itself and wormed its way into the Kanu belly.
Today, the country is effectively under a Kadu administration. Daniel Arap
Moi, Chairman of Kadu at the party's dissolution has been president of the
country for the last 23 years. Before that he had been vice-president for 12
years.



Today's roots of instability can be traced to the choices made in the period
following independence. The impact has been that a country that once shone
on the world stage is now near destitute and remains at the mercy of donors,
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Ethnic relations are worse
than they have ever been as those in power play one group against another,
using similar divide and rule technic so well perfected by the colonial
administration. The current provincial administrative and the while
executive branch has hardly changed in structure from the colonial times.



After independence


Kenyan independence arrived with pomp and celebration. As a young kids at
the time (I had just entered Grade school) my memory is that of celebration
and the pervasiveness of an atmosphere of something new having happened;
change had come and Kenyans looked forward to empowerment and real social
transformation. There were celebratory dances, all night partying, eating
and merry making. Uhuru, as we call freedom, elevated local expectations. No
longer could we answer to the Queen's representative in Nairobi. In
statehouse Nairobi was resident a fellow Kenyan, a respectable, charismatic,
wise leader in the name of Jomo Kenyatta.



Kenyatta, at the time did not disappoint! His powerful, legendary oratory
moved Kenyans into action. In turn, wananchi responded to his call of a
return to the land (turudi mashambani) and educating the youth. The optimism
fuelled growth in the higher single digits range for more than 10 years in a
row. Literacy rates soared as school enrolment hovered around 97%. Literacy
rates registered around 67%.



Access to free medical care led to a number of positive well-being
indicators: infant mortality rates dropped, life expectancy rose from the
higher 40s to mid 60s. Populations experts warned of an explosion as the
rate of growth hovered between 3% and 4%. The country was on a roll!



On the International scene Kenya became a major player winning the right to
host major United Nations organs such as United Nations Environmental
Program (UNEP) and Habitat, among others. At the United Nations General
Assembly Kenya's voice of moderation was heard in the midst of an east-west
cold war divide.



The government's role in the economy grew as it took control of key sectors:
agriculture and agriculture financing; the cooperative movement (perhaps the
most sophisticated outside the Scandinavian countries), transportation and
manufacturing.



Amidst all this pomp, though, the leadership failed to focus enough on
nation building. Kenya, a country of more than 40 ethnic groups, needed,
more than anything else, shared vision of common destiny. The ethnic divide,
remains the country's curse to date. Indeed, national unity and unity of
vision remains a pipe-dream to date



There is more. Kenyatta had come to power in advanced age. Soon, his
energies would start waning and more and more the people around him made
make decisions in his name. That said, Kenyatta himself may have,
unwittingly, laid the seeds of the most systemic and endemic diseases of
all: corruption.



Once, while addressing police representatives who were seeking better pay,
the late president remarked that the state did not have the money to pay for
raises to the cops. He made the well-known case of the competition for
government financing and said that, at the time, there was not much he could
do in a manner of salary increases. Towards the end of his remarks, the good
president, asked, almost rhetorically: how many cars, buses and trucks go
through the roads manned by the police? He added that everyone "eats" where
they work! Soon, policemen stopping vehicles on Kenyan roads started asking
for kitu kidogo (something small). Today in Kenya, the term is part of the
national lingo.



Kenyatta entrenched corruption in more than one way. A story (although not
officially confirmed) is told of the president receiving information about a
minister who was demanding 10% before approving any industrial or commercial
investment plans. It is said that the minister had amassed so much wealth in
such a short time that it was obvious that he was obtaining it from sources
other than his emoluments.



The president confirmed the same on interrogating the offending minister. He
then asked what the minister had done with the money. In reply, the minister
pointed to real investment he had made in his home district, the properties
he owned in the city and the many people in his employ as a result of the
10% proceeds! Kenyatta is said to have chuckled and casually asked him to
get back to work. What started as a 10% cut became routine; it has become
more than the way to do business, as others now demand higher and higher
percentages in the cut. The comedy group, Redykyulas makes fun of this
saying that some ask for "kitu yote" (everything).



Kenyatta's reign also saw one of the greatest reversals in what was seen as
matter of principle. Before independence, Kenyatta's party, Kanu, swore to
scrap the law that allowed detention without trial. However, no sooner were
they in government than they quickly reinstated the law, ostensibly in the
name of dealing with dissidents. The promulgator of the law, then
Vice-President and Minister for home affairs, Oginga Odinga, would later
become a victim of the same law after falling out with Kenyatta.



Detention without trial remained in the books until 1997 when it was
scrapped in principle. Even then, the police still have immense powers of
arrest, detention and interrogation. The state maintains a grip on policing
and the court system. In fact, a champion of dubious prosecution of
individuals in his time as public prosecutor has recently become the Chief
Justice in the country.



The Moi Era


President Moi had served meekly as Kenyatta's assistant for 12 years before
coming to power. At his swearing in, following Kenyatta's death, Moi swore
to follow in Kenyatta's footsteps. To the motto of harambee, he added nyayo,
which means footsteps.



If Moi appeared meek, this image would soon wear out, especially following
the attempted coup of 1982. He moved quickly to purge key elements seen as
not supportive of his rule. He called an early election, made Kenyan a de
jure single party state and established a vice-like grip on the country.



The '80s were, perhaps, the most torturous decade for the country. Although
there were detentions in Kenyatta's era, Moi made this almost an art;
detentions without trials increased. More and more, they were based on
fabricated charges, prosecution and torture of the most brutal kind. The
decade also witnessed the appearance of the first Kenyan refugees. The
island of stability that was Kenya had become unstable under Moi's watch.



In the meantime, corruption sky-rocketed, and capital flight became routine.
One of the most scandalous acts of corruption happened during this time
where the government was bilked of several billion shillings in the name of
export compensation. It is said that the scandal touched so many in
government circles that successful prosecution of the case would result in
the fall of the government. The government continues to stall to date.



The loss of liberty, consignment of alternative political opinion and the
detention of so called dissidents reached a peak at the start of the '90s
decade and coincided with the agitation of opening up of the political
space. This was attained with a lot of struggle and a lot of blood was
spilled. In the streets in Nairobi, where Moi swore to crush opponents like
rats, skirmishes led to police shooting of unarmed demonstrators.
Multi-ethnic rural areas saw clashes unheard of before as peaceful wananchi
from different ethnic groups were pitted against one another. These
government engineered clashes remain a hallmark of government crime on the
Kenyan people.



The lack of confidence in the political order has seen the country's
decline. The infrastructure is in a sorry state, access to health has
substantially reduced, school enrolment has declined from the high 90% to
about 70% and capital flight continues unabated. Increased poverty levels
have impacted Kenyans in a substantial manner; the poor medical services and
the AIDS epidemic have eroded life expectancy gains made in the 60s and 70s.
Today's life expectancy lies about 50 years, down from 69 a few years ago.



Things continue to worsen in the country. They are compounded by emigration
and brain drain. Sometime last year, it was reported that the country was
losing more than 500 doctors a year. We do not know what kind of numbers
there are in other sectors. However, today more and more Kenyans wish to be
elsewhere where they can make ends meet.



Since the end of the single-party era Kenya has held two elections, which
were won by less than 40% of the popular vote. The results are in part due
to the fragmented, ethnic-based political parties and a skewed political
landscape. Next elections are scheduled for December 2002 in which,
according to the current constitution, the president cannot run again. Still
few believe that the president will leave without pulling some trick on the
electoral process. There are others who think that constitutional reforms
may create loopholes for Moi to stretch his reign.



Personally, I am of the opinion that the country needs healing. To do so, we
need five years of an interim administration and a government of national
unity with the mandate to perform comprehensive constitutional reviews,
carry out a truth and reconciliation exercise, restore confidence in the
country's future and help usher a new era.



Where lies the blame?



There are those that say we blame colonial powers for the decline we have
seen. They cite the trucking of Africa resources to build economies in the
north starting with the slave trade, through the colonial era and into the
present. They also cite the arbitrary boundaries left behind now balkanizing
different ethnicities into borders that may have not evolved naturally.
Moreover, the colonial impact on thinking remains with many in the
population not believing in themselves.



There is more. The current international economic order is skewed in favour
of western economies. We know that the IMF and World Bank do not represent
interests of African and developing countries.  Linda McCuaig in her book
"The Cult of Impotence" places these two institutions in context citing the
fact that, in the leadup to the formation of these institutions, the London
and New York bankers won major concessions over social policy-oriented
positions put forth by governments. To date, these two key players in the
global economy continue to function in the benefit of their benefactors.



That said, however, we must continue asking whether these forces alone are
to blame for the African condition. Here are my thoughts:



Yes, the international economic order is skewed. Yes, the IMF and World Bank
do not cater for African interests. Yes, there was slavery, colonialism and
presently, there exists neo-colonialism. However, let's remember that we
shall only succeed with home grown solutions. As countries faced with
similar circumstances and afflicted with the same problems, it is our duty
to find common ground and speak with one voice.



The current campaign for debt relief and forgiveness is a good first step.
However, we must, as Africans institute responsive governments that serve
interests of the people if we ever to develop our economies. Leadership, in
my view is a major lacking ingredient. Too often, our leaders are busy
fighting each other for miniscule stakes, spending valuable resources on
armaments while people starve, medicines are in short supply, schools have
no building and students go without reading or writing material. Our
penchant for wardom and the viciousness of our wars are almost unmatched by
anybody.



There is more. Alternative thinking, which is fast taking hold, suggests
(which I support) that blaming colonial powers is neither valid nor
fashionable. We Africans have had a chance to govern ourselves for close to
40 years. In that time, other regions, facing similar challenges as we did,
have done pretty well. Look at Singapore, Malaysia and South Korea?



African leaders and citizens, including myself, must take blame for part of
these failures.



Here is an example of African leadership recklessness: it is said that in
the Kenyatta era, people stole money from public coffers. However, they
reinvested the money in the country in some form or another. Today, Moi and
company siphon off national resources and ship moneys abroad with impunity.
There are suggestions that if all Kenyan money were repatriated, we wouldn't
need the pitiable IMF and World Bank loans.



Ladies and Gentlemen: in this short talk I have tried to place the context
of the current Kenyan problem as an example of dashed hopes and an
experiment badly run. Much as the past burdens of  our development can find
blame elsewhere, we have the responsibility for the failure of leadership to
create the necessary conditions for development. Our leadership needs to
focus on people development, national vision and proper utilization of
national resources. We can write the constitution as many times as we can;
if there is no believe in a shared common destiny and the trust that we have
the ability to achieve greater goals we will be deceiving ourselves that we
are serving national interests.



There is still hope for a better future, which can be seen in emerging
leadership. Thabo Mbeki, the South African President, has come up with the
African Renaissance concept. This requires more than belief in the self but
also implementing African approaches to managing African crises.
Consensus-building, self awareness and the concept of common destiny must be
ingrained in the African citizenry. African solutions, rather
thanprescriptions made in London, Washington and Paris must find expression
in Africa's renewal.



We all have a role to play.



Thank you very much.



� Matunda Nyanchama, Toronto, Ontario, November 20, 2001