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Article #761Reform Taxpayers' Budget - Part 6
From: Reform Party House Leader
Date: Wed, 22 Feb 1995 09:38
Date: Wed, 22 Feb 1995 09:38
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20121 bytes
> Part III > > The Need to Balance The Federal Budget > > In the 5-R Jobs Plan we outline the necessity for quick and decisive > deficit elimination because it enhances job creation. Here we lay out > our rationale and a framework for the elimination of the federal > deficit in three years. We hear Canadians when they tell us they want > no more taxes and a government that lives within its means. > > The failure of the federal government to live within its means will > eventually cause Canada "to hit the wall." The Chr�tien government's > fiscal policies to date are inadequate to prevent such a scenario. The > failure to stave off and leave behind any possibility of financial > collapse threatens the very existence of our social programs. At the > least, it could result in an externally imposed revision of social > programs instead of the carefully designed changes outlined in Part > III. > > Any plan to reduce the deficit must employ fiscally conservative > forecasts and projections. Our plan to eliminate the deficit does this > and recommends the creation by legislation of a contingency reserve to > protect the credibility of the federal government's budgetary > projections. > > In the 5-R Jobs Plan we outline the necessity for a quick and decisive > elimination of the deficit. Here we unfold our rationale and a > framework for elimination of the federal deficit in three years, with > particular reference to the inadequacy of the Liberal government's > current fiscal path. > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > Eliminate the Deficit Quickly and Decisively > > Reformers understand that there are many compelling reasons to > eliminate the federal deficit quickly and decisively. Among them are > the unsustainability of the Chr�tien government's current fiscal path, > the twin threats of rising interest rates and a falling dollar, and > the need to prepare responsibly for the next cyclical downturn in the > economy. Two more are of particular concern to Reformers: the risk > Canada's dire fiscal situation poses to our social fabric and the need > to restore the confidence of Canadians and investors in the > government's ability to manage its finances. > > Reducing the Risk to the Social Fabric > > The greatest risks to Canada's social fabric are the threats of annual > deficits and a rising national debt which over the past thirty years > have crowded out many legitimate expenditures of governments. As was > demonstrated most vividly in the last recession, the government's > ability to provide some stability during periods of economic > dislocation is seriously strained. > > Our social programs require substantial reform. But no reform will > last if the present path of fiscal unsustainability is not > interrupted. That is why reform of the social safety net in Canada > must be accompanied by quick and decisive elimination of the federal > deficit. Eliminating the federal deficit would allow Canada to take > its first steps toward creating a truly sustainable social safety net. > All measures designed to reduce the deficit should be done with a > longer-term view to enabling Canadians to take care of their own > security in the long run. > > To be sure, the adjustment implied will involve a certain amount of > change, and change - particularly social change - involves changing > lifestyles. We should keep in mind, however, that over the past few > years the private sector has undertaken a similar reorganization and > is now better equipped to face the future. > > Elimination of the deficit is an important step toward ensuring > personal security for Canadians. It reinstills hope for the future in > all Canadians. > > Bolstering Confidence > > Canadians and investors have lost confidence in their government's > ability to deal with the current fiscal crisis.[16] Successive > governments in 1984 and 1988 promised to deal with our fiscal problem, > but failed. The current government stated its intention to take us > down the path of fiscal reform, but promised action later rather than > sooner. Now there are many indications that it will resort to higher > taxes rather than reductions in the size and scope of government to > achieve its meager deficit-reduction targets. This is a strategy of > which voters are increasingly wary. > > Canada can only reestablish its credibility both with voters and those > who invest in this country by declaring war on the deficit. An > important first step is to declare unequivocally that deficit > reduction will be achieved without raising the level of taxation on > Canadians. Then a clear and coherent strategy must be embarked on to > cut spending quickly and decisively. > > Saying that the deficit will be reduced at some vague point in the > future by way of savings to be announced later does not instill > confidence. That is why Reform's plan states up front which measures > will be taken. A credible, realistic plan will go far toward > instilling investor confidence in the ability of governments to deal > with this crisis. > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > The Three-Percent Target is Totally Inadequate > > Why does Reform not support the government in its stated aim to reduce > the deficit to three percent of GDP? The Reform Party is not alone in > asserting the weakness and inadequacy of the government's target. The > International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Organization for Economic > Cooperation and Development (OECD) both called the government's > targets too weak. The C.D. Howe Institute and The Fraser Institute > called the government's targets "timid" at best. The Financial Post, > The Wall Street Journal and The Globe and Mail say that the government > is not doing enough. For its part, The Globe and Mail released a plan > to eliminate the deficit in three fiscal years, calling for $24 > billion in cuts and no increases in taxation. Witnesses appearing > before the Commons' Standing Committee on Finance consistently called > for a more decisive strategy, and Canadians from coast to coast fear > that this target will not be enough to halt Canada's slide towards > bankruptcy. > > Three Percent: Canada at the Mercy of Economic Cycles > > It is fair for Canadians to ask what happens when and if the > government reaches its timid target in two years. By then Canada will > have added $100 billion to the national debt and will have increased > annual interest payments from $40 billion to nearly $50 billion per > year. Under the Liberal scenario Canada would show a deficit between > $25 billion and $30 billion going into the next economic downturn. > This would leave little or no room to lessen the impact of such a > downturn. Further, this would restrict the government's ability to > further reduce the deficit. It is not enough. Decisive action needs to > be taken now. > > The current government apparently hopes the current recovery will last > forever - that it will have a perpetually open window through which to > reduce the deficit. It has not learned the lessons of the recent past > when a timid deficit reduction strategy was neutralized by an economic > downturn. > > Three Percent: A Lost Political Window > > In its first budget, the Chr�tien government missed an important > opportunity to take quick and decisive action against the deficit. At > that time the Liberals had four years before it needed to worry about > re-election, a federalist government was in charge in Quebec, and they > were a new government with a strong mandate. Yet with its first budget > this government did little beyond promising to act in "the second > round." Its failure to act decisively has only worsened the situation. > > Now, three years or less from an election campaign, there is barely > enough time to launch Canada down a sustainable fiscal path. If the > Liberal government sticks to its timid targets, and puts off the most > difficult decisions until later in its mandate, the government will > find it much more difficult to act decisively. The present timeframe > may well be the last political window open to the current government. > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > Planning for Contingencies > > In any budget exercise there are significant unknowns. Predicting > economic conditions can involve considerable uncertainty. A recent > examination of federal, fiscal forecasts found that while Department > of Finance forecasters have been more accurate than their private > sector counterparts, they were nevertheless consistently off by wide > margins.[17] > > Prudent Forecasting > > Setting prudent targets and bringing down a credible budget will go a > long way toward reducing the large interest-rate premium on our debts. > While uncertainty over Quebec is a negative factor affecting interest > rates and currency, foreign and domestic investors demand a risk > premium on federal debt primarily because of Canada's failure to > establish a credible, federal, fiscal policy. > > A deficit elimination package with all the cost reductions clearly > spelled out would result in a reduction in the risk premium on > Canadian interest rates. The three-percent target failed to establish > credibility, in part due to the Minister of Finance's failure to lay > out in detail where the spending reductions would come from. The > recent fall in the value of the Canadian dollar and the continued rise > in interest rates suggest that international and domestic markets are > losing confidence in the Chr�tien government's deficit reduction > policy. > > Part of the Reform Party's plan to ensure prudent fiscal forecasts is > to enunciate clearly where the savings will come from. This stands in > stark contrast to the Chr�tien government's 1994-95 Budget which put > off making details public about how it would reach its targets. As > they see a clear and credible reduction strategy, the investment > community will know immediately what reductions are to be made and > will not need to wait for details. Increasing taxes because savings > cannot be immediately realized is no solution. Meeting targets with > tax increases will not establish credibility. > > Fiscal Contingency Reserves > > Canadian fiscal policy does not operate in a vacuum, but is influenced > by events over which Canadian policy-makers have little control. It > makes sense to build a significant contingency reserve into the > budget. This reserve should be legislatively defined so that it cannot > be used for any new spending or spending increases for current > programs. Furthermore, the purpose of this fund should be established > in the budget itself. Any request to deviate from the original purpose > must be debated and approved by Parliament. According to this plan, > any balance remaining in the fund at the end of each fiscal year would > be applied against the deficit. > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > Reform's Timetable and Fiscal Framework > > The Reform Party is committed to elimination of the federal > government's deficit in three fiscal years. This process and the > credibility it establishes would bring lasting economic growth and > confidence to Canadians and investors. > > Elimination of the Deficit in Three Fiscal Years > > In order to restore confidence and to eliminate the deficit in three > years, the plan must be clearly outlined and reductions clearly stated > in advance. These can then be used to gauge the success of such > measures. Because of the importance of deficit elimination, any > discrepancies in forecasts would necessitate further reductions in > spending. Increases in the level of taxation would not be resorted to > (measures to ensure tax fairness could be incorporated but would be > revenue-neutral). Any changes in the tax system to create greater > equity and fairness must be made on the basis of revenue neutrality. > > Economic Growth and Planning Assumptions > > Taking into account economic growth, unemployment, inflation and > interest rates without the resources of the Department of Finance is a > very difficult exercise. As already noted, even the Department of > Finance has been wrong in its estimates by a wide margin. The Liberal > Grey Book updated the government's fiscal projections, acknowledging > that they were seriously off-course in the longer term. > > The Taxpayers' Budget is based not so much upon strict estimates of > economic growth, but employs conservative planning assumptions. This > means that we are using historical record and the present situation to > present what we believe to be the most restrictive planning > assumptions on which to base the budget. > > First, we need to determine what conservative planning assumptions can > be applied to growth in federal revenues over the planning period. > When we look at the average growth in federal revenues over the last > ten years, we find that federal revenues typically amount to between > 16.5 and 17.0 percent of GDP, and that they have grown on average by > about three to four percent per year. In 1993-94 the ratio was 16.3 > percent of GDP and is predicted in the Grey Book to rise to 17.0 > percent in 1995-96. > > However, as our plan calls for transferring current federal revenues > to the provinces in the form of tax points, we do not predict that the > ratio of revenues to GDP will exceed 16.0 percent. Offsetting this > drop in the revenue to GDP ratio will be a permanent reduction in cash > transfers. A prudent planning assumption is that revenues will hover > at about 16.0 percent of GDP and grow at an annual real rate of about > 3.0 percent. The Liberal Grey Book suggests that revenues will grow by > 7.5 percent in 1995-96 and 4.5 percent in 1996-97. Our assumption > regarding the growth in revenues is very conservative by comparison. > These assumptions imply that we can expect, over a period of three > years, federal revenues to grow by about $16 billion dollars. > > The sensitivity of our fiscal situation to interest rates requires > that we must accumulate reserve funds, that we plan prudently and that > we recognize that any deficit at all will increase interest payments > on the national debt. As long as Canada runs an annual deficit, annual > interest payments will increase in the following year. Under the > Reform Plan, the federal deficit would be balanced in three fiscal > years. There would still be two annual deficits_and increased costs. > Even our plan will add about $40 billion to the debt. If the rate of > interest on this new debt is around eight percent we can expect annual > interest costs to increase by $3.2 billion. In addition, some existing > debt will come due at lower rates. Of course, this assessment assumes > that the Reform Party's deficit reduction strategy is implemented and > that upon implementation the average interest rate on the federal debt > will continue to fall slightly. > > If Canadians fail to get our budget deficit under control this can > only mean higher interest rates and larger interest expenditures. On > balance, this means that over a period of three years, annual interest > costs will increase by about $3 billion dollars.[18] > > The Prime Minister asserted recently that the deficit for 1994-95 will > come in under the proposed target. Most economists predict that the > deficit will come in somewhere between $37 billion and $39 billion > dollars. This means that Canadians will likely enter 1995-96 with a > deficit of about $38 billion dollars. > > If the budget is to be balanced without raising Canadians' overall tax > burden, and assuming $16 billion in revenue growth in real terms then > this and $3 billion in increased interest expenditures imply that we > will require $25 billion dollars in spending reductions, spread over > three years in order to balance the federal budget over that period. > > In summary, our planning assumptions are as follows: > > 1994-95 Deficit for planning purposes $38 billion > (PLUS) Increase in annual interest payments over three years + $3 billion > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > $41 billion > (MINUS) Increase in annual revenues over three years based on > 3 percent real growth in revenues - $16 billion > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > Required spending reductions to reduce the deficit to zero > in three years: $25 billion > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > > > Employment Impact > > What would be the negative and positive employment impact of Reform's > deficit reduction measures? How do they compare with the employment > impacts of current government policies? Neither the government or > Reformers can predict these impacts with absolute certainty. What we > do know is that leaving the debt and deficit at current levels will > cause significant, negative effects on Canada's economy. As is noted > in the 5-R Jobs Plan, these negative effects are compounded by > Canada's overly-generous social safety programs. > > Short-Term Effects > > The most recent academic analysis of the short-run costs of deficit > reduction acknowledges that there would be some short-term costs > associated with fiscal retrenchment.[19] These costs would come > primarily in the form of adjustments that economic sectors and regions > of our economy most dependent on government transfers would have to > make. > > Yet, there are a number of indicators which suggest that such > adjustments could be less severe and of shorter duration than many > might expect. First, our economy is experiencing a strong recovery. > This recovery holds the potential of limiting economic dislocation > over the short-term as economic growth minimizes the impact of > government retrenchment. > > Second, Canada's current fiscal uncertainty is adding a hefty risk > premium to our interest rates. Canada is perceived by the > international community as running on an unsustainable debt and > deficit path. Furthermore, international commentators and investors
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X-Google-Language: ENGLISH,ASCII X-Google-Thread: 1046d3,a2e064a22ef79801,start X-Google-Attributes: gid1046d3,public X-Google-Thread: 104294,a2e064a22ef79801,start X-Google-Attributes: gid104294,public X-Google-Thread: fb374,a2e064a22ef79801,start X-Google-Attributes: gidfb374,public X-Google-Thread: f64a0,a2e064a22ef79801,start X-Google-Attributes: gidf64a0,public X-Google-Thread: fcec7,a2e064a22ef79801,start X-Google-Attributes: gidfcec7,public X-Google-ArrivalTime: 1995-02-24 08:09:52 PST Path: arc1-ca.pugleaf.net!nntp.gmd.de!newsserver.jvnc.net!rutgers!usc!howland.reston.ans.net!cs.utexas.edu!utnut!nott!dgbt!netfs.dnd.ca!srv.gc.ca!parl2.parl.gc.ca!Reflead_pc!hermae From: hermae@parl.gc.ca (Reform Party House Leader) Newsgroups: can.gov.general,can.politics,can.taxes,misc.invest.canada,soc.culture.canada Subject: Reform Taxpayers' Budget - Part 6 Date: Wed, 22 Feb 1995 09:38:47 UNDEFINED Organization: House of Commons Lines: 354 Message-ID: <hermae.36.0015D7D6@parl.gc.ca> NNTP-Posting-Host: 167.32.178.12 X-Newsreader: Trumpet for Windows [Version 1.0 Rev B final beta #1]