🚀 go-pugleaf

TENNESSEE UNDERWORLD
Gore plays fixer
to 'crooked' uncle
How vice president used police
to 'take care' of friends, family



Editor's note: This is Part 2 of a three-part exclusive WorldNetDaily
investigative series on allegations that Vice President Al Gore
and his Tennessee associates have thwarted criminal investigations involving
friends and family members and have engaged in
abuse of power and illegal fund raising.

In Part 1, "Al Gore's Uncle Whit," yesterday, WorldNetDaily revealed that
Gore's uncle and confidant, retired judge Whit
LaFon, has been targeted as an alleged drug trafficker by federal and state
law enforcement officials in Tennessee.

Part 2, in today's edition, involves allegations that Gore has routinely
relied on his longtime friend and supporter Larry Wallace,
director of the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation, to "take care" of criminal
matters involving Gore's family and friends.

The series was researched and written by native Tennessee reporters Charles C.
Thompson II and Tony Hays. Thompson is a
long-time veteran of network news, having been a founding producer of ABC's
"20/20," as well as Mike Wallace's producer at
CBS's "60 Minutes." Hays is an experienced journalist whose recent 20-part
series on narcotics trafficking received an award
from the Tennessee Press Association.

Part 3 will be published in tomorrow's edition of WorldNetDaily.



By Charles Thompson and Tony Hays
� 2000, Charles C. Thompson II and Tony Hays


                 SAVANNAH, Tenn. -- According to a senior official with the
Tennessee Bureau of Investigation,
                 the state's premier law-enforcement agency, Vice President Al
Gore Jr. routinely contacted his
                 longtime friend and supporter TBI Director Larry Wallace for
assistance with criminal matters
                 involving Gore's family and political cronies.

                 Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official stated that
on at least four occasions during the
                 past two years, while sitting in Wallace's office, a
secretary would enter the room and announce,
                 "Director Wallace, Vice President Gore is on the line for
you." The official, who was intimately
                 involved in criminal investigations, understood that the
calls were related to criminal cases.
                 According to this same source, Wallace frequently told senior
staffers that Gore had put the arm
                 on him to "take care" of criminal matters involving Gore's
"crooked [expletive] uncle," retired
judge Whit LaFon, brother to Gore's mother, Pauline LaFon Gore.

LaFon, 82, who according to one senior political correspondent is "as close to
Gore as you can get," was apparently
also in frequent need of protection from the TBI and other law-enforcement
agencies. At least twice while LaFon
was a state prosecutor and later a judge, federal prosecutors attempted to
indict him for bribery and extortion under
the federal Hobbes Act. He has also been under investigation by federal and
state agencies for public corruption,
alleged narcotics trafficking and desecration of a Native American burial
mound.

The Gore campaign declined to answer questions about LaFon, who denied that he
had any involvement with
illegal drugs. LaFon recently bragged to the Sun newspaper in his hometown of
Jackson, Tenn., that his nephew
visited him often in Jackson and at his cabin on the Tennessee River and that
his family shared a skybox with the
Gore family during the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles.

Wallace had no comment for this story, despite repeated calls over a
three-month period.

The fact that Wallace was helping Gore and his uncle was well-known among a
number of TBI higher-ups,
according to many former and current agents, as well as three past directors
of the TBI. During Wallace's tenure, the
once highly respected TBI has been laid low by ever-increasing charges of
institutional corruption, causing
wholesale defections.

John Carney, who headed the TBI 10 years ago and is now the district attorney
in Clarksville, Tenn., said, "The TBI
is in sad shape. Nobody trusts it because it's totally dominated by politics."

Former TBI Director Arzo Carson, who drafted the 1980 legislation to take the
TBI outside the governor's control,
agreed, saying he is "bitterly disappointed" with what Tennessee Bureau of
Investigation has become.

"The TBI is really great for getting small fry, but for some reason, they are
never able to make cases against the rich
and famous, especially if these folks are politically well-connected," said
one federal prosecutor.

Wallace, a tall, rugged individual, began his law-enforcement career as a
20-year-old patrolman on the Athens,
Tenn., Police Department in 1964. He then served with the Tennessee Highway
Patrol for seven years before joining
the TBI in 1973.

He was only a field agent for three years, but some of his contemporaries
never forgot nor forgave what they
considered his lack of courage in the face of danger.

Retired agent Bill Thompson said that Wallace once left him in the lurch by
not showing up to arrest a multiple
murderer, whose case was assigned to Wallace.

"Jimmy Dale Smith was the murderer. He was about the baddest character in
rural eastern Tennessee back then,"
Thompson said.

Thompson had learned that Smith would be playing poker in a club one night in
the shadows of the Great Smokey
Mountains. When Wallace failed to show to make the collar himself, Thompson
positioned himself just inside the
club and snared Smith when the killer arrived. He stuck his pistol in Smith's
neck and handcuffed him.

"I heard all about Larry Wallace's cowardice. I knew better than to take him
along as a back-up when there was
going to be gunplay," said George Haynes, another retired TBI agent.

"George Haynes and Bill Thompson are the real thing," Carney said. "George
killed at least two men in the line of
duty, and Bill was there to back George up during one of those shoot-outs."

According to Robert Lawson, the former commissioner of public safety and
Wallace's one-time boss, "Everybody in
law enforcement knows that Larry Wallace isn't going anywhere near where
bullets are flying."

Wallace left the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation in late 1976 when he was
elected sheriff of McMinn County
occupying that office for four years.

He returned to TBI in 1980. Seven years after Wallace's return, he incurred
the wrath of Carson, who suspected
Wallace of leaking secrets from a 1987 federal grand jury to high-ranking
members of then-Gov. Ned McWherter's
cabinet.

Wallace used family connections to become the uniformed head -- colonel -- of
the Tennessee Highway Patrol, or
THP. His then-wife Charlotte and her family were big in the Democratic Party.
He asked his in-laws to intercede
with the governor, and it worked. He landed the job.

According to former members of the Tennessee Highway Patrol, Wallace involved
himself whenever a prominent
politician had a traffic accident on a state highway or had a dust-up with the
law. One such case involved state Sen.
John Ford, who allegedly fired a pistol at a trucker on Interstate 40 near
Lexington, Tenn., in 1990. Ford was a
member of the powerful African-American Ford political dynasty in Memphis. A
Dallas trucker reported the
shooting to the Highway Patrol station in Jackson, Tenn., around 4:30 p.m. The
Jackson troopers called Nashville
headquarters for guidance, and according to a former THP official, Wallace
said, "Don't stop that car (Ford's). Let it
go."

At this point, there was adequate time to apprehend Ford on the interstate and
search his car for the weapon. But
because of Wallace's order, Ford escaped and wasn't questioned until the next
day. By that time, there was no pistol
found in his Mercedes-Benz.

Although a bullet was recovered from the truck, Ford accused the trucker of
making everything up. A jury in
Jackson acquitted Ford of all charges.

Lawson said that he, like Carson before him, became convinced that Wallace was
bootlegging highly sensitive
criminal investigative material to politicians who were under investigation in
order to curry favor with them.

The primary motivation for the TBI director selection committee and Gov. Ned
McWherter to pick Wallace,
according to former director Carson, was self-preservation.

"At that time, the TBI was feared by all politicians, regardless of their
political party," Carson said. "The bureau had
sent many corrupt Tennessee officials (33 out of Tennessee's 95 sheriffs) to
jail. The politicians obviously thought
that TBI's fangs had to be pulled."

What better way, Carson said, to control the TBI than have a weak individual
head it, someone who would
undermine the organization, keep the governor and other officials thoroughly
apprised as to ongoing investigations
and terminate politically sensitive investigations before they became public
issues.

A sampling of aborted investigations under Wallace involving politicians as
well as institutional cover-ups bears
out Carson's assessment of Wallace.

Among Wallace's first acts as director was to abolish the agency's highly
regarded public corruption unit. Wallace
went even further, ordering his agents never to open an investigation in any
of Tennessee's 95 counties without first
notifying the sheriff, if the sheriff was the target of the investigation.

Rank-and-file agents and their supervisors were outraged.

"We were hamstrung. There was no way we could investigate a crooked sheriff
anymore," one supervisor said.

Wallace also allegedly interfered in the murder investigation implicating his
own son, Larry Dean Wallace.

In 1994, at least three TBI agents and supervisors came to Wallace and told
him that his son, Larry Dean Wallace,
then in his late 20s, was heavily involved in drug trafficking.

When former TBI drug agent Milton Bowling told Wallace about his son's drug
dealings, the director reportedly
became glassy-eyed and said, "You're to stay away from this case."

A year later, Larry Dean lay in ambush and shot to death James Edward
Wilkerson over $1,500 that Larry Dean
owed Wilkerson for drugs.

Larry Dean then loaded the body into the trunk of Wilkerson's car and arranged
to have a wrecker haul the car some
10 miles from the scene of the crime.

After confessing to second-degree murder, Larry Dean was sentenced to a
15-year prison term. Never imprisoned,
he served his time in a cushy clerical job, all because, in the words of his
attorney, Hal Hardin, "His father is the
state's top law-enforcement officer."

Wallace faced a political quandary in 1994. His staunch supporter, McWherter,
was retiring as governor and would
not be able to help him when he came up for another six-year appointment as
TBI director in 1998.

Bill Morris, the mayor of Shelby County (Memphis) was locked in a heated
contest for the Democratic gubernatorial
nomination with Phil Bredesen, the mayor of Nashville, and eight other
candidates. Even though Morris appeared
to be a winner, Wallace hedged his bets, hoping to be on the side that won.

But before Morris' campaign left the launching pad, a bombshell landed. A
hard-hitting series by investigative
reporter Louis Graham of the Commercial Appeal newspaper in Memphis inspired a
TBI criminal investigation of
Morris. The newspaper documented 100 events since 1987 in which Morris
allegedly used prison inmates to cater
his political and personal social events.

Wallace sent his No. 2 man, Robert Reeves, to coordinate this delicate
investigation and try to rescue Morris. TBI
agents based in Memphis were upset by Reeves' orders to investigate only two
of Morris' subordinates -- his
executive assistant, Robert C. Lanier, and Garner Branch, who was in charge of
dietary services at the Shelby County
Correctional Center -- and to leave Morris alone.

Roger Moore, an assistant district attorney in Nashville appointed special
prosecutor, worked hand in hand with
Reeves. According to a well-placed source in the Shelby County District
Attorney's Office, Reeves presented
evidence to the grand jury. But, according to one of the grand jurors, her
fellow jurors became incensed by Reeve's
blatant attempts to insulate the mayor from blame.

"People (on the grand jury) were awfully mad," the grand juror said, and they
voted to indict Morris on six felony
and three misdemeanor charges.

Reeves hastened back to Nashville to explain what happened to Wallace.

When Reeves emerged from Wallace's 3rd-floor offices nearly four hours later,
he was visibly shaken.

"Larry told me to go back to Memphis and unindict Morris," said Reeves,
according to a senior TBI official.

Five weeks later, rather than face the defiant grand jurors again, special
prosecutor Moore and Reeves appeared
before Criminal Court Judge Joseph B. Dailey and signed a motion dismissing
all the charges against Morris. They
left the indictments standing against Lanier and Branch.

"Why would they drop the charges against the mayor when my husband only did as
he was instructed to?" Branch's
wife asked.

Both Lanier and Branch later pleaded no contest and were placed on probation.
Reeves publicly rebuked them for
not having "the courage to stand up in court and admit their guilt."

Morris never recovered from the quashed indictments. Phil Bredesen beat him,
who was in turn beaten by
Republican Don Sundquist.

Secret test site for Hillary's plan
A lifelong Democrat, Wallace quickly switched his allegiance to the Republican
Party with great fanfare. Although
he kept close contact with many of his Democratic buddies, such as Gore, he
began ingratiating himself with
members of the Sundquist administration.

Early in the Clinton administration, while Hillary Clinton was unsuccessfully
attempting to cobble together a
nationwide health-care system, then-Gov. McWherter contacted Bill Clinton and
Gore and volunteered Tennessee as
a test site for Hillary's health plan.

About 1.1 million poor and uninsured people were enrolled in the program. The
federal government allowed
Medicaid dollars to be diverted into TennCare, and the program quickly became
the financial and criminal
equivalent of the Black Hole of Calcutta.

Despite the fact that the state contributed more than 25 percent of its annual
budget to the program, TennCare was
still under-funded.

"We couldn't get the big guys (insurance companies) in. We got the
fly-by-nights," said a federal prosecutor who has
tried a number of TennCare fraud cases. "Many of these insurance companies who
joined TennCare were just fronts
for legislators, their families and other public officials who raked in money
while the poor were denied services to
which they were legally entitled."

The program was a revolving door for administrators, eight in only six years,
and now threatens to bankrupt the
state. continued


Wallace established a health-care fraud unit, which many TBI agents described
as a joke. Even so, some members of
the unit were aggressive and vigorously pursued those who bilked TennCare.

According to TBI agents and federal prosecutors, OmniCare, a health insurance
company closely allied with the
politically potent Ford family of Memphis, was one of the most scandal-ridden
of the 12 managed-care
organizations participating in TennCare.

In 1995, TBI agents arrested a Nashville woman who admitted forging more than
140 applications for TennCare
while working as an independent contractor for OmniCare. Pamela Renee King
said she obtained the data
contained on the false applications while working as a fitness consultant in
the health center at the sprawling Saturn
automobile plant in Spring Hill, Tenn.

TBI investigator Shana Roberts said King was paid between $13 and $17 for each
application. As long as the scam
went undisclosed, OmniCare received $111 per patient per month for patients
who didn't exist or who were
fraudulently enrolled in the program.

King was the second OmniCare representative to be caught by TBI agents in
1995. Harold McGhee, a former
employee at the Shelby County Corrections Center, admitted to agents he had
enrolled 202 inmates that he knew
already had medical coverage and were therefore ineligible for TennCare.

Both King and McGhee were convicted of mail fraud and making false statements.
Each received a sentences of
about a year in prison.

'The Fords had gotten him'
Although he wasn't a company officer or a member of OmniCare's board of
directors, former Rep. Harold Ford was
publicly identified in 1996 by the Commercial Appeal as being associated with
OmniCare. Ford, an
African-American, was first elected to Congress in 1974, beating a white
incumbent. Ford's district encompassed
most of Memphis, which became majority black.

Ford had a rocky political career, and he allied himself and his family with
Gore. He was indicted on federal bank,
mail-fraud and conspiracy charges in 1987, stemming from $1 million of loans
he had received from banks
controlled by Democratic politician Jake Butcher and his brother C.H. Butcher.
The money was loaned for business
purposes, but was allegedly converted to personal use by Ford. His first trial
resulted in a hung jury. A second jury
acquitted him.

When the House banking scandal broke in 1993, it was revealed that Ford had
written 388 bad checks totaling
$552,447 at the bank between 1988 and 1991. Although he was one of the worst
offenders, a special prosecutor's
probe found no criminal wrongdoing on Ford's part.

Ford retired from Congress in 1996 and was succeeded by his son, Harold Ford
Jr., a move that angered some local
black leaders who resented the Ford family's belief that the congressional
seat belonged to them rather than to the
people. At the time, Ford Jr. was only 24 years old, the youngest member of
Congress. It was Harold Ford, Jr. whom
Gore picked to make one of the Democratic convention's keynote addresses.

In addition to Harold Ford Sr.'s older brother, John, a state senator, other
Ford brothers who have been actively
involved in family politics include: 1) Joe Ford, who ran for mayor of Memphis
in 1999; 2) former state Rep. Emmitt
Ford, who served time in a federal prison in the late 1990s for failure to
file tax returns on income of $700,000; and 3)
Dr. James Ford, an ophthalmologist, a member of the Shelby County Commission
and a TennCare provider.

A hard-charging young TBI agent, David Loftus, who worked on the Shelby County
Corrections Center portion of
the OmniCare investigations, told his colleagues he was bound and determined
to find out why the Ford family's
involvement in OmniCare was not being taken more seriously by the TBI.

"The evidence showed that the Fords were up to their eyeballs in OmniCare and
yet nobody was holding their feet
to the fire," said Loftus. Even though an assistant U.S. attorney in Memphis
warned Loftus to be more discreet
"about what he said about the Fords or they will get you," he continued to
probe the Ford family's involvement with
TennCare.

Loftus had nearly finished his two-year stint as a probationary agent with TBI
and had recently received an
outstanding evaluation from his supervisor, when suddenly he was summoned to
TBI headquarters and was
summarily fired. No reason was given.

He was going boating that day with three of his colleagues on a lake near
Nashville. The others were laughing and
drinking beer when he arrived. They saw his long face and asked him what had
happened. "I got fired," Loftus said.

"I knew immediately that the Fords had gotten him," one agent said. "There was
no way that Larry Wallace was
going to let a rookie agent upset the Fords."

'Good Ol' Boys Roundup'
Agents say that TBI cover-ups weren't limited to just protecting politicians.

In the summer of 1995, Tennesseans and the rest of the nation were dismayed by
the news that a group of off-duty
federal, state and local law-enforcement officers had gathered in May for an
event known as the "Good Ol' Boys
Roundup," where racist activities were apparently encouraged.

Camping along the banks of the Ocoee River in southeast Tennessee for three
days of whitewater rafting and beer
drinking, 300 law-enforcement officers and their friends, including federal
and TBI agents, were exposed to some
virulent racist displays.

Vendors sold T-shirts depicting the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in gun-sight
cross hairs and others bearing the
slogan "Boyz on the Hood" with police officers surrounding two black men
spread-eagle over a police cruiser.

The reaction was swift from Washington. President Clinton denounced the
roundup as "an event literally
overflowing with racism." Both the Justice and Treasury departments opened
wide-ranging investigations.

Gov. Sundquist announced there would be an investigation of the roundup to be
headed by Wallace. There was
only one hitch -- Wallace had reportedly attended the roundup.

Wallace handed over the day-to-day management of the investigation to his
general counsel, David Jennings.
Richard Brogan, TBI's special agent in charge in Chattanooga, handled the
fieldwork and some of the interrogations.
Like Wallace, Brogan had also allegedly attended the roundup.

State arson investigators Robert Frost and Dennis Ledbetter said that
Ledbetter provided Jennings with a statement
putting Wallace inside the meeting grounds. Ledbetter said he cooked a steak
for Wallace.

Agent Lee Porter wrote a memo stating that Brogan and his wife, Brogan's
assistant, Brooks Wilkins and his wife,
and agent T.J. Jordan and his wife were present.

Jennings turned his investigative file over to Jeff Long, head of the
intelligence division, for further processing.
Long was one of the most respected senior officers in the Tennessee Bureau of
Investigation.

Long, who subsequently resigned from the TBI and is now a prosecutor serving
four counties in Middle Tennessee,
said that Ledbetter's statement and Porter's memo were missing from the file
Jennings gave him.

"Jennings told me that no further investigation was required. I took him at
his word," Long said. "In retrospect, I
wish I hadn't."

During a televised news conference, Wallace reassured Sundquist, who appeared
with him, that neither he nor any
of his senior officers had attended the roundup.

Bat guano
Another institutional cover-up, which is still haunting Wallace and the TBI,
involves a substance known as bat
"guano," a genteel way of saying feces.

In 1994, the TBI sought accreditation from a nonprofit organization, the
Commission on Accreditation for Law
Enforcement Agencies, Inc., or CALEA. Thousands of dollars of tax money and
many hours of employee time were
allocated to the project, headed by Jennings.

CALEA sets rigorous guidelines regarding an agency's training, record
management and storage of evidence. That
last category appeared to be an insurmountable obstacle to the TBI's
accreditation. Evidence of upcoming cases and
cases under appeal were spread willy-nilly in agents' offices throughout the
headquarters building.

This practice was strictly counter to state and federal court guidelines
requiring a rigid chain of custody. Evidence
was supposed to be logged in and preserved in a tightly controlled vault. TBI
had a vault, but it was not nearly
adequate to hold all the evidence.

Bulky evidence was stored in a separate building referred to as the old
cafeteria. Two or three rooms in the building
were filled with bat guano taken from a cave in the foothills of the
Cumberland Mountains. This fertilizer had been
advertised in nationally circulated magazines devoted to the drug culture.

Bat droppings are supposed to make marijuana grow faster and hardier. The
guano is also guaranteed to work
miracles on vegetable gardens and flowers.

The guano had been seized from Robert Senick, who ran a company called Bat
Majic. At the time of the
accreditation, Senick was awaiting trial on drug charges.

In addition to Senick's exotic fertilizer, an elaborate hydroponic marijuana
growing system was also crammed into
the old cafeteria.

The day before the CALEA inspectors arrived, agents say that Jennings, along
with Reeves, Wallace's most trusted
aide, decided to get rid of everything in the old cafeteria and also throw
away or hide many other pieces of
evidence.

Jennings and Reeves allegedly both looted piles of the Bat Majic guano for
their own use. Reeves hauled a pickup
truck full of bat dung away to fertilize his flower garden. Ten to 12 other
employees helped themselves to the
guano. These same employees also destroyed evidence, according to a TBI memo
written after the event.

Bob Pearce, then TBI's assistant director for administration, was seen
carrying away five bulging duffels and three to
four boxes of evidence. The boxes and bags contained hunting rifles, shotguns,
pistols, assault weapons, sheaf
knives, switchblades and bayonets, according to multiple TBI sources.

After the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation cheated its way through the CALEA
exam, Pearce brought back just
two of the boxes. Nobody is quite sure what happened to the rest of the
evidence. Pearce, who has since retired and
is a Baptist minister, refused to talk about the incident.

Agents say that evidence destruction occurred again in 1997 during CALEA's
re-inspection process. When
WorldNetDaily first contacted CALEA, Steve Mitchell, the program manager for
the TBI, was incredulous. Mitchell
said he found it hard to believe that a state police agency would willfully
destroy evidence.

When informed that documentation existed, he said, "That's very serious,
possibly a criminal matter."

Mitchell later said that Wallace and Jennings told him that TBI destroyed
evidence in 1994 and 1997. Did they obtain
the requisite court orders before doing so?

"They told me they didn't obtain court orders," he said.

According to many former and current agents, drug cover-ups perpetrated under
the Wallace regime undermined
many agents' morale.

'The godfather'
In 1995, Butch Morris, one of the TBI's best undercover agents, and his
partner, Milton Bowling, were investigating
reports that local law-enforcement officers and perhaps local prosecutors in
the Cookeville, Tenn., area were
providing protection to drug dealers and might even be involved in drug
trafficking themselves.

In the course of their investigation, Morris and Bowling learned how hazardous
it could be to run afoul of a Wallace
political crony. Numerous law-enforcement sources said that Cookeville land
baron Mike Gaw is a close associate
of Wallace. Gaw owns 500 pieces of rental property in Putnam County
(Cookeville).

"Mike Gaw is the godfather of Cookeville. He owns the whole town, the condos,
apartment buildings and slum
property," a TBI official said.

Tennessee political reporters said that Gaw gained his power by contributing
$70,000 to Sundquist's two
gubernatorial campaigns and that he became acquainted with Wallace through
Putnam County Sheriff Jerry Abston,
one of Wallace's closest friends.

Morris infiltrated a Putnam County gang and served as its intermediary in
buying a pound of methamphetamine
from a Los Angeles group. He then arranged for the gang to buy up to 40 pounds
of the drug, which had a street
value of about $360,000.

Morris said the gang was connected "to some of the highest rollers in the
community," people who rubbed elbows
with the sheriff, the prosecutor and Mike Gaw.

Shortly before he rounded up the gang members, Brogan, Morris's TBI
supervisor, stepped in and "put his
investigation on hold."

"We missed a chance to shut down one of the largest meth labs in the country
and at the same time destroy a major
Tennessee drug connection," Morris said.

Five years after Morris was pulled off the case, a gung-ho FBI agent picked up
the threads. Two defendants pleaded
guilty to federal drug trafficking charges and another was convicted after
Morris testified against him. Later, Morris
tells WorldNetDaily, he was asked by an assistant U.S. attorney what had gone
wrong back in 1995, in response to
which Morris shrugged and looked at the ceiling as if to say, "it's a very
long story."

Two years ago, Morris appeared before a state legislative investigative panel
and publicly criticized TBI's drug
policy. The next day, TBI Deputy Director Reeves appeared before the same body
and trashed Morris' job
performance. One of Reeve's complaints was that Morris had misspelled an
informant's name. Morris later resigned
from the agency and is now police chief in La Vergne, Tenn.

Sundquist reappointed Wallace to another six-year term in 1998, although
Wallace received fewer votes from the
"independent" selection committee than Jeff Long. According to published
reports in the Tennessean and
Associated Press, within a matter of hours after having received the
committee's recommendation, Sundquist,
without comment, ignored the committee and reappointed Wallace.

Some members of the state legislature have become so disenchanted with the
TBI's desultory performance in
catching drug dealers that there is now a serious legislative effort to
abolish the agency's drug unit.

Not long ago, TBI dispatched 49 agents to shut down a cockfight in eastern
Tennessee.

"If the TBI doesn't have the manpower to make serious drug cases, then how
does it have 49 men to halt a rooster
fight?" one top official said. "It's high time to quit doing favors for public
officials, even if they are the vice president
of the United States, and get back to enforcing the laws fairly like we did
before Larry Wallace came along. If we
can't do that, then it's time to abolish the TBI and start all over."

TOMORROW: In Part 3, senior Tennessee law enforcement officials says Vice
President Al Gore killed a major drug trafficking
investigation in their state that allegedly implicated several of Gore's
long-time friends and supporters.

     Read Part I: Al Gore's Uncle Whit.
http://www.worldnetdaily.com

See Tuesdays update on Gore and his Tennessee dealings......