🚀 go-pugleaf

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MIRacles No. 13                                    Joel GAzis-SAx
3 Listopad 1992, Palo Alto California                         QEP
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Copyright 1992 by Joel GAzis-SAx

"Skopje," my wife's cousin  intoned very solemnly after 
consulting her husband, "has a map.  And this map," she continued, 
"includes Thessaloniki."  When we arrived at her hotel a few days 
before, I immediately noticed the sticker from the Volos Rotary 
Club.  "Macedonia is Greece."  "Better not tell them where we've 
been," I said to Lynn. 

The Greek peoples' fears about their northern borders are 
understandable in the context of history.  After gaining Greek 
Macedonia in 1912, she was forced to fight another when Bulgaria, 
her ally in the First Balkan War, tried to seize Thessaloniki by 
force in the Second Balkan War.  The post-World War II Civil War 
found Greece divided against herself with substantial aid for 
Communist partisans coming over the border from Tito's Yugoslavia.  
The appearance of a new country bearing a name rich in historical 
meaning for the Greek people would naturally lead many to recall 
these events. 

Like most of the conflicts in former Yugoslavia, Greek outrage 
over Macedonia comes as a surprise to Western observers and even 
to some Greek people.  "I used to have many friends in 
Yugoslavia," the Athenian souvenir shop salesman told me.  "They 
lived in Serbia, Bosnia, and Macedonia -- but it's called 'Skopje' 
now."  His humorous self-correction was a warning to me.  
Following the arrest of three Greek peace activists who had the 
effrontery to suggest that the Mitsotakis government should 
recognize Macedonia, many Greeks were clearly afraid to even to 
speak about the new country to the north. 

Greeks imagine that the Skopje government possesses a huge army, 
poised to sweep into northern Greece.  The size of the "Republic 
of Skopje" seems immense.  This little country of two and a half 
million people has grown, in the Greek mind, to a monster of epic 
proportions.  The Republic of Macedonia's Army of 5000 unarmed 
soldiers (the JNA took the guns when it withdrew) has been 
identified by the Greek press as the greatest threat to their 
country's security since the Second World War. 

Peace pundits point to the Macedonian situation, declaring that 
the next Balkan war will be between Greece and the Republic of 
Macedonia.  The average Macedonian, however, already feels the 
privations of war.  No bombs fall on this country, but Greece has 
succeeded in imposing de facto sanctions on its northern neighbor. 

We first learned about these sanctions when we got lost in Skopje 
on our first day.  A man coming out of a government building near 
an army base gave us a lift in his car.  As we approached 
downtown, he pointed to dozens of parked cars.  "No gas." he said.  
No gas means no fuel for the trucks which carry food and 
medicines.  Macedonia cannot get oil through Serbia because of the 
sanctions on that country.  It cannot get oil through Greece 
because the customs papers for a Russian tanker now docked in 
Thessaloniki say "Destination:  Republic of Macedonia". 

"What's the problem?" Macedonian peace activist Vladimir Milcin 
asks.  He answers himself:  "Macedonia as a geographical term is 
much wider than this place, Republic of Macedonia.  It is 
absolutely true that in Greece is also Macedonia.  And in Bulgaria 
there is also a part of the ancient earth that was Macedonia." 

"We are Slavs," he continues.  "Our ancestors came to this place 
called Macedonia in the Fifth Century after Christ.  I am not 
descended from Alexander the Great!"  Most of the Macedonian 
people are puzzled that Greek newspapers should claim that they 
want to steal this heritage.  Guides to the history of Skopje 
clearly describe many successive occupiers of the area.  The Slavs 
who came after the Greeks and the Romans, these guides explain, 
produced the modern people who call themselves Macedonians.  No 
claim of relationship to the ancient Macedonians is made by these 
guides or by anyone I meet. 

"I don't understand it," a young Macedonian man tells me.  "We 
used to spend every summer in Thessaly.  Now they say we want to 
make war with them and we can't go."  The Greek border is closed 
to Macedonians and foreigners with Macedonian surnames.  One young 
Macedonian American was prevented from visiting the grave of his 
father near Florina.  By its very existence, the Greeks believe, 
the Republic of Macedonia resurrects the intention to wrest 
control of Greek Macedonia and its valuable port of Thessaloniki 
from their rightful owners. 

Vladimir Milcin disputes this.  Macedonia's decision to withdraw 
from Yugoslavia was not, for one thing, inspired primarily by a 
desire for a greater Macedonia.  "The idea of Yugoslavia died here 
in Macedonia," he notes, the day when -- in Split -- demonstrators 
killed a Macedonian soldier."  Until this day, Macedonia's 
President Igorovic had shared Bosnia's Izetbegovic's vision of a 
new Yugoslavia based on a union of independent states.   The dream 
died when Croat demonstrators attacked an armored car crewed by 
two Macedonians guarding a Jugoslav National Naval headquarters 
building.  

"What was very interesting," Milcin explains, "is that all the 
soldiers were Macedonians or other citizens of Macedonia.  That is 
against the rules of Jugoslav Army" which required that units had 
to be mixed.  One Macedonian armored car crew member was killed 
and the second almost strangled by the mob.  Back in Skopje, 
officials and Republic citizens wondered if the composition of the 
units and armored car personnel was an attempt by JNA officers to 
provoke anti-Croat feelings among Macedonians.  They also 
suspected that the Tudman government hoped to draw them into the 
war against the JNA.  "The idea of Yugoslavia had been buried here 
at the moment when it was clear that the Army wanted to save the 
idea of Yugoslavia with guns." 

Macedonia's independence referendum came after the Slovenian, 
Serbian, and Croatian votes.  "People here had an opportunity to 
see what is evil in the countries where nationalists got an 
absolute victory."  Though the Macedonian Nationalist Party won 
the greatest share of the votes, it could not govern by itself.  
The week before I arrived, a progressive coalition, comprised of 
Macedonia's Social Democrats, its Albanian, Turkish, and Roma 
(Gypsy) Parties, came to power.  

Milcin fears that pressures on the new Republic will rob the 
progressives of their victory and aid the rise of extreme 
nationalists.  When we met him at the Turkish bridge over the 
Vardar, he told us:  "I saw something new which made me very sad 
today."  He led us through the streets of his city to the place 
and pointed to a freshly painted swastika.  "The first one.  The 
young people don't understand what it means." 

"All the nationalists of the Balkans are helping each other," he 
tells me when we reach his apartment.  "Tudman helped Milosevic 
after the demonstrations of the 9th of March.  They need each 
other, Milosevic and Tudman, Macedonian nationalists and Albanian 
nationalists.  They are enemies, but their existence is impossible 
without the others." 

Extremists of the Macedonian National Party told the story "That 
without war, without fighting, we cannot achieve independence."  
The resolve of President Igorovic to handle Macedonia's transition 
to independence nonviolently prevailed, however, and, despite a 
history of Macedonian grievances against the JNA, the withdrawal 
of that force was achieved without provocations, deaths, or 
injuries.  The architects of the Republic of Macedonia's new 
constitution consciously strove to establish the rule of law in 
their country; to protect human rights, citizens' freedoms, and 
ethnic equality; to provide social justice, economic well-being, 
prosperity for all its citizens; and to make a place of peace 
where all the people of the Republic of Macedonia -- Slavic 
Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Gypsies, and Greeks, could have a 
homeland.  With its peaceful transition to independence and its 
respect for human rights, Macedonia, they believed, would have no 
problem being received into the family of nations. 

A commission of the European Community concurred.  Macedonia and 
Slovenia, the members agreed, were the only two states of former 
Yugoslavia which met all of the conditions for recognition.  Then, 
the European Community voted to ignore the Commission's advice.  
The EC chose to recognize Slovenia.  The Germans successfully 
pressed to have Croatia recognized as well.  The Greeks blocked 
recognition of Macedonia. 

So Macedonia finds itself in a strange place.  Though it is not a 
member of the United Nations, it must observe the sanctions 
against Serbia and Montenegro.  Greece refuses to allow anything 
marked "Republic of Macedonia" to cross its borders.  The lack of 
recognition by the EC and other member of the international 
community stops the flow of aid.  The two and a half million 
Slavic, Albanian, Turkish, Roma, and Greek residents plus upwards 
to 100,000 Bosnians suffer from a lack of food and medical 
supplies.  As Milcin observes, "a poor country gets poorer" and 
that only helps those who would solve conflict with arms. 

Despite the sanctions, we discovered a surprising lack of 
animosity towards the Greeks.  When I told our ride into town that 
Lynn was a Greek American, he turned around, looked at her, and 
exclaimed "Good!  You will learn the truth about Macedonia!"   
Ordinary people welcomed us more enthusiastically when they 
learned Lynn's origins.   Lynn describes their attitude as 
"puzzled":  the Macedonians simply cannot understand why, after 
nearly fifty years, Greece has decided to make an issue of the 
name. 

The Macedonian parliament took Greece's fears about her borders 
seriously enough to amend the constitution to renounce any 
territorial claims on any of her neighbors and to forbid the 
Macedonian government from interfering in any other state's 
internal affairs.  (See appendix below) This has not satisfied the 
Mitsotakis government which continues to demand that the Republic 
of Macedonia change its name.   

The conflict over the name recalls Zeno's paradox of the race 
between Achilles and the Tortoise.  In Zeno's nightmare, Achilles 
gives the tortoise a head start.  But he can never catch up 
because he must first catch half way up.  Then, from that point, 
he must go half way again.  Between Achilles and the Tortoise lie 
an infinite number of halves.  So his struggle to win the race is 
in vain because no man can cross an infinite distance.  Meanwhile, 
the Tortoise has moved a little further.  

Macedonia, it seems, can never satisfy Greece.  It keeps trying to 
meet Greece's demands halfway.  Greece insists that Macedonia 
change the name.  Macedonia makes yet another, reasonable 
concession to Greece, meeting it halfway again.  Unless Macedonia 
surrenders on the name issue and, consequently gives up the 
identity the Slavic Macedonians have been making for themselves 
for the past one hundred and fifty years, the Greek Tortoise will 
continue to lumber ahead, oblivious to the cries of hunger from 
the north. 

As one who believes that any nonviolent means of resolving 
conflict is better than a violent one, I must invoke my pacifist 
version of just war.  I support sanctions where, as in the case of 
the technological, arms, and petroleum sanctions against Serbia 
and Montenegro, the aim is to disempower those forces responsible 
for human suffering.  

Macedonia seeks no war with Greece or any of its other neighbors.  
It persecutes none of its minorities.  "Minorities are normal," 
says Vladimir Milcin with a shrug.  A nation which respects the 
human rights of all its citizens and makes no war, should never be 
the subject of sanctions by any nation or community of nations.  
The sanctions which Greece has imposed on the Republic of 
Macedonia do not fit the necessary criteria.  They are unjust and 
should be lifted. 

Despite the sanctions, Macedonians have still sought to help the 
victims of the Bosnian war.  "This is how we did it," Teuta 
Cucokova of the Skopje Women's Peace Group explained.  "Everybody 
who could, took children or complete families into their home so 
that we wouldn't burden the Republic.  It's big money to have a 
few more people in your family!"  Tomka Dilevska, another member 
of the group, put up her Bosnian guests in her summer house. 

This action shows another kind of nationalist pride.  Peace dogma 
holds that nationalism is evil, that it inevitably leads to 
destruction.  Being a good citizen is a kind of nationalism that 
does not necessarily lead to destruction.  The Skopje Women's 
Peace Group (which includes Slavic Macedonian and Albanian 
members) and Vladimir Milcin's Albanian National Theater represent 
a vision of a multicultural nation where Slavs, Albanians, Turks, 
Roma, Vlachs, Greeks, and others can be proud of their ethnic 
identities and heritages without hating one another. 

I am impressed that the people of Macedonia, despite all their 
privations, still believe that they can convince the Greek people 
to accept them.  As we waited for the train which would take us 
from Skopje to Athens, we talked to two young men.  They, like 
many Macedonians, watched developments in the relationship between 
Greece and their country with fear.  They expected an invasion any 
day.  I hope that day will never come.  The world map is big 
enough to include a Macedonia that is Greek and a Republic of 
Macedonia of Slavs, Albanians, Turks, Roma, Serbs, Vlachs, and 
Greeks.  No Macedonian Republican or Greek should die in a war 
over a name. 

As our train pulled away from the Skopje station, one of the young 
men who helped us with our bags, asked us to deliver what I feel 
is the most important message of our visit to the newly 
independent Republic of Macedonia.  "Please," he said.  "Tell them 
to make peace for us." 

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RELEVANT ARTICLES OF THE MACEDONIAN CONSTITUTION AS AMENDED ON 6 
JANUARY 1992

Article 3

     The territory of the Republic of Macedonia is indivisible and 
inviolable. 
     The existing borders of the Republic of Macedonia are 
inviolable.  
     The borders of the Republic of Macedonia can only be changed 
in accordance with the Constitution, and based on the principle of 
voluntariness and generally accepted international norms. 
     The Republic of Macedonia has no territorial claims against 
neighbouring states. 

Article 49

     The Republic cares for the status and rights of those persons 
belonging to the Macedonian people in neighboring countries, as 
well as Macedonian ex-patriates, assists their cultural 
development and promotes links with them.  The Republic shall not 
interfere in the sovereign rights of other states and their 
internal affairs. 
     The Republic cares for the cultural, economic, and social 
rights of the citizens of the Republic abroad.

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"Peace in the country, peace in the world."

Motto of the Skopje Women's Peace Group     
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ACTIONS:

1.  Urge your elected representatives and Friends organizations to 
press your foreign policy officials to recognize the Republic of 
Macedonia under the name Republic of Macedonia.  Support the right 
of all peoples to peaceful self-determination. 

2.  There is a serious shortage of medicines in Skopje's 
hospitals.  Necessary surgeries are being postponed due to the 
lack of anesthesia.  Some patients have died waiting for their 
operations.  One very critical action under these circumstances is 
the creation of an airlift of medical supplies.  I am trying to 
arrange one here in California. 

My guide to Skopje mentions, among other things, that Skopje has 
many sister cities throughout the world.  These include Bradford, 
England; Vared, Belgium; Dijon and Rube, France; Dresden, Germany; 
Tempe, Arizona, USA; and East-York, Quebec, Canada.  If you are a 
resident of one of these cities, you may wish to bring Skopje's 
need for medicine and supplies for refugees to the attention of 
your town council and/or your local Chamber of Commerce.  Local 
churches could also help.  The idea of the Sister City program was 
to foster international understanding and to provide a network for 
help and support.  The sanctions by Greece have created a bad 
situation.  No matter where we stand on the issue of the name of 
the country, we should not hesitate to help the people of Skopje 
in this hour of need. 

If you would like to help, please contact me by e-mail or call 
415-321-3449.

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NEEDS 

Computer maven Eric Bachmann is willing to link peace activists in 
Macedonia to international networks if someone will donate an 
appropriate computer.  If Eric is reading this, he can provide you 
with his e-mail address. 
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GRATITUDES:  Thanks to Vladimir Milcin, Savka Todorovska, Tomka 
Dilevska, and Teuta Cuckova for their help in preparing this 
article.  Thanks also to Zoritsa Trifunovic of the Beograd Peace 
Center for helping me contact the Macedonia Peace Movement. 
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OFFERINGS:  I will be available to speak about the conflict and 
the prospects for peace now that I am back in the United States. 
Send e-mail to jsax@igc.apc.org or call 415-321-3449. 
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ABOUT THE TITLE 

Brethren theologian Dale Brown once counted the belief in miracles 
as an essential component in the psychic constituency of the peace 
activist.  "Mir" is the word for "peace" in Croatian, Serbian, and 
most other Slavic languages.  The title, therefore, reflects the 
author's belief in the power of persistent peacemaking. 

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     FWCC
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