Article View: mn.general
Article #696Re: Germans are victims?
From: Jim
Date: Wed, 15 Sep 2004 11:56
Date: Wed, 15 Sep 2004 11:56
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stevejdufour@yahoo.com (Steve Dufour) wrote in message news:<744cc401.0409142032.6665a9f8@posting.google.com>... > Commentary:The Nazi past and modern Europe > > > By Robin Shepherd > UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL > > > Bonn, Germany, Sep. 14 (UPI) -- Gratuitous anti-Germanism is an all > too pervasive pastime in modern Europe, and it shows few signs of > dissipating. > > From the inane chanting of "Two World Wars and One World Cup" by > England's marauding armies of soccer hooligans to Italian Prime > Minister Silvio Berlusconi's contemptible comparison last year of a > German politician with a Nazi concentration camp guard, it demeans and > disgraces those who indulge in it. Worse, in its implicit denial of > the unprecedented success of the German nation's attempts to deal with > the darkest period of its history, it sends a broader message that > repair and reconciliation are unworthy of recognition. It trivializes > war and Holocaust, reducing their significance to the level of the > jibe, proffered to the Neanderthal crowd to buy a moment of ignorant > applause. > > This hardly helps then when we come to discuss the one outstanding > issue from World War II that really is both significant and enduring > and which, outside academic circles, neither Germany nor the wider > Europe has yet seriously addressed. > > Consider, with this in mind, some recent events in Poland and Germany. > Last week, the Polish parliament passed a resolution - 328 in favor, > one abstention and none against - calling on the government to seek > further reparations from Germany for the carnage inflicted on Poland > World War II. It also proclaimed that Poland had "no financial > obligations whatsoever" to Germany for losses of life and property > suffered by ethnic Germans expelled at the end of that war. That key > clause in the resolution, the clause that explains why it was passed > in the first place, was itself a response to events taking place > across the border in Germany. > > In that country a small organization called the Prussia Claims Society > is poised to seek compensation in European courts for property lost by > the 12.5 million ethnic Germans and their descendents who were > expelled from central and eastern Europe at the end of the war. The > group, and others that support its aims, has little support in > Germany, and it is opposed by the German government. Nonetheless, > public and political opposition inside Germany will not be enough to > stop it pushing its claims in the courts. > > The scale of the mass expulsions of Germans after the end of the World > War II, mainly from Poland and the former Czechoslovakia, is little > known in Europe. Who, after all, has been much interested in the > sufferings of the people who started the war in the first place? If a > third of the population of the present-day Czech Republic, for > example, was expelled after the war en masse (3 million people in > all), then was it not also true that those ethnic Germans collaborated > with and exalted in the Nazi regime? > > The trouble is that that charge of collective guilt, in normal > circumstances, would not stand up in a 21st century European court. > "What," a plausibly imagined plaintiff might retort, "about my family? > Uncle Fritz fought the Nazis in the resistance. Cousin Hans spied for > the British. Father and Mother were shot by the Gestapo. And yet our > family was expelled and expropriated as surely as those who really had > collaborated. Keep the property of the Nazis. But justice demands I > get mine back." > > "In any case," their lawyers might add, "since when has national or > ethnic affiliation been an acceptable basis for a just outcome in a > modern court of law?" > > Phrased in that way, Europe's judges are not going to find an easy > answer. Solutions, of course, will be found. The stakes are too high > to allow such claims to succeed. Current legislation could be > interpreted (possibly under political pressure) as suggesting the > court claims in themselves amount to a form of subversion or threaten > to incite national hatred - which they most certainly would. Statutes > of limitations could be judged to have expired. In short, a whole host > of legal and not so legal trickery can and probably will be employed > to stop the claims in their tracks. The moral dilemma, however, will > remain. > > My own view on all this is that that dilemma is as acute as one wants > it to be. It is true that innocent Germans -- hundreds of thousands of > them, probably -- suffered greatly at the end of the war. But to keep > perspective we have to part company, at least for a while, with our > modern, individualist conception of law and justice if we are not to > make the mistake of reading the expectations of the present into the > realities of the past. > > War, after all, is a collectivist enterprise. Nations fight nations, > and individuals are part of the struggle whether they like it or not. > This is especially true in an era of "total war," of which the events > in Europe in the 1930s and 1940s comprised modern history's clearest > and most awful example. The ethnic Germans of central and eastern > Europe can, in some cases, claim to have been among total war's > innocent victims. But many millions more suffered a far worse fate and > are in no position to be compensated as a result. > > The hard fact is that the presence of millions of ethnic Germans > across central and eastern Europe in the first half of the last > century was deemed, probably correctly, incompatible with stability, > peace and therefore the broader context in which human rights in > Europe could prevail. The consolidation of the German people inside > clearly defined borders was a pre-condition for the rebirth of a > continent based, eventually at least, on democracy, national > reconciliation and the rule of law. It is not a conclusion that will > suit those who yearn for simple answers to complicated problems, or > who cannot live in a world without straight lines and sharp edges. Nor > will it suit the German expellees and their descendents. > > But if the rights we take for granted today have in some part been > bought at the expense of the rights of other people in the past, then > that is a contradiction that we in Europe will all have to live with. > > -0- > > Robin Shepherd is an adjunct fellow of the Center for Strategic and > International Studies. His column appears weekly. James
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X-Google-Thread: f765b,1b45510d41732c19,start X-Google-Thread: 101049,1b45510d41732c19,start X-Google-Thread: fcd36,1b45510d41732c19,start X-Google-Thread: fa03c,1b45510d41732c19,start X-Google-Attributes: gidf765b,gid101049,gidfcd36,gidfa03c,public X-Google-Language: ENGLISH,ASCII-7-bit Path: arc1-ca.pugleaf.net!g2news1.google.com!postnews2.google.com!not-for-mail From: tomfiege9@yahoo.com (Jim) Newsgroups: mn.general,dc.general,milw.general,wi.general Subject: Re: Germans are victims? Date: 15 Sep 2004 04:56:40 -0700 Organization: http://groups.google.com Lines: 121 Message-ID: <874b687e.0409150356.4f192167@posting.google.com> References: <744cc401.0409142032.6665a9f8@posting.google.com> NNTP-Posting-Host: 216.89.110.25 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit X-Trace: posting.google.com 1095249400 6329 127.0.0.1 (15 Sep 2004 11:56:40 GMT) X-Complaints-To: groups-abuse@google.com NNTP-Posting-Date: Wed, 15 Sep 2004 11:56:40 +0000 (UTC)