🚀 go-pugleaf

The Globalists have managed to distort and/or cut out
the ideas of Thomas Jefferson in world forums.

For example, a well-educated friend of known good will
writes from Northern Europe:

Sent: Sunday, May 20, 2001 5:33 AM
Subject: [worldcity] Re: Criticism of your "two-loop" analysis
of interest slavery,with reply

> Dick, I agree with you here on globalism, no problem.
> (although with minor problems on viewing Jefferson as
> the good guy...)
> Arno

What have I missed regarding Jefferson, Arno?

Here is some of his thinking I like very much, and I suspect
you will too.  But let me know what you are talking about?



"The most effectual engines for [pacifying a nation] are
the public [news]papers... [A despotic] government always
 [keeps] a kind of standing army of newswriters who,
 without any regard to truth or to what should
be like truth, [invent] and put into the papers
whatever might serve the ministers."
       --Thomas Jefferson to G. K. van Hogendorp,
            Oct. 13, 1785. (*) ME 5:181, Papers 8:632

"The only security of all is in a free press. The force
of public opinion cannot be resisted when permitted
 freely to be expressed.   The agitation it produces
must be submitted to. It is necessary, to keep
the waters pure."
       --Thomas Jefferson to Lafayette,
           1823. ME 15:491

On Government, Debt Financing, Taxes

"Capital may be produced by industry and accumulated by economy, but only
jugglers will propose to create it by legerdemain tricks with paper."
                                            ****
"As usual those whose dogmas are the most unintelligible are the most angry.
                                            ****
The patriot like the Christian must learn that to bear revilings and
persecutions
and revilings is part of his duty.
                                            ****
"Blest is the nation whose silent course of happiness furnishes nothing for
history to say.  This is what i ambition for my own country."
                                            ****
"The maxim of buying nothing without the money in our pockets to pay for it,
would make of our country one of the happiest on earth.
                                            ****

  "I wish it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our constitution.
I would be willing to depend on that alone for the reduction of the
administration of our government to the genuine principles of its
constitution;  I mean an additional article, taking from the federal
government the power of borrowing.  I now deny their power of making paper
money or anything else a legal tender.  I know that to pay all proper
expenses within the year, would, in case of war, be hard on us.  But not so
hard as ten wars instead of one.  For wars would be reduced by that
proportion; besides that  the State governments would be free to lend their
credit in borrowing quotas ...  It is a singular phenomenon, that while our
State governments are the very best in the world, without exception or
comparison, our general government has, in the rapid course of 9 or 10
years, become more arbitrary, has swallowed up more of the public liberty
than even that of England.
                                            ****
   "It is incumbent on every generation to pay its own debts as it goes.  A
priciple which, if acted on, would save one-half the wars of the world.

   "I am not for increasing by every device, the public debt, on the
principle of its being a public blessing.

   "To preserve our independence, we must not let our rulers load us with
perpretual debt.  We must make our election between economy and liberty, or
profusion and servitude.

  "We are ruined if we do not overrule the principles that 'the more we owe,
the more prosperious we shall be'; 'that  a public debt furnishes the means
of enterprise'; 'that if ours should once be paid off, we should incur
another by any means however extravagant.'

   "The same prudence which in private life would forbid our paying our
money for unexplained projects forbids it in the disposition of the public
moneys.
                                            ****

"Taxes should be apportioned to what may be annually spared by the
individual."
                                            ****

  "With respect to debts, whether to be met by loans or taxes, there are two
laws of finance which I think should be rigourously adhered to.  1, never
borrow without laying a tax sufficient to pay principle and interest within
a fixed period, and I would fix that period at 10 years. ... 2, never to
borrow or tax without appropriating the money to its specirfic object.
[Note:  This last principle was found in the early Republic, but abandoned
when Congress seperated  its "appropriations" for doing things " from its
"ways and means" of paying for them. --DE]
                                            ****

ON POPULISM VERSUS THE BILDERBERGS:

Men by their natures are naturally divided into two parties: I. Those who
fear and distrust the people, and wish to draw powers from them into the
hands of the higher classes. 2. Those who identify themselves with the
people, have confidence in them, cherish and consider them as the most
honest and safe, although not the most wise depositary of the public
interests.  In every country these two parties exist, and in every one where
they are free to think, speak and write, they will declare themselves.  Call
them therefore, Liberals and Serviles, Jacobians and Ultras, Whigs and
Tories, Republicans and Federalists, Aristocrats and Democrats, or by
whatever name you please, they are the same parties still, and pursue the
same object.  The last appellation of Aristocrats and Democrats is the true
one expressing the essence of all.

   "In every free and deliberating society, there must, from the nature of
man, be opposite parties, and violent dissensions and discords; and one of
these, for the most part , must prevail over the other for a longer or
shorter time.

   "Wherever there are men, there will be parties, and wherever there are
free men they will make themselves heard.  Those of firm health and spirits
are uneilling to cede more of their liberty than is necessary to preserve
order;  those of feeble constitutions will wish to see one strong arm able
to protect them from the many.  These are the Whigs and Tories of nature.
These mutual jealousies produce mutual security; and while the laws shall be
obeyed, all will be safe.  He alone is your enemy who disobeys them.  [I.e.,
who consipires against them. --DE]

                                            ****

  "Our country is too large to have all its affairs directed by a single
government.  Public servants at such a distance, and from under the eye of
their constituents, must, from the circumstance of distance, be unable to
administer and overlook all the details necessary  for the good government
of the citizens, and the same circumstances, by rendering detection
impossible to their constituents, will invite the public agents to
corruption, plunder and waste.  And I do verily believe, that if the
principle were to prevail, of a common law being in force in the United
States . . . , it would become the most corrupt government on the earth.
..."

  "Suppose Louis XV, and his contemporary generation had said to the money
lenders of Genoa, give us money that we may eat, drink, and be merry in our
day; and on condition you will demand no interest till the end of 19 years,
you shall then forever after receive an annual interest of 12.5 percent.
The money is lent on these conditions, is divided among the living, eaten,
drank, and squandered.  Would the present generation be obliged to apply the
produce of the earth and of their labour to replace their dissipations?  Not
at all.  ... We seem not to have perceived that ... one generation is to
another as one independent nation is to another.

                                            ****


ON SHAY'S REBELLION:

Shay's Rebellion was an uprising of debt-burdened
Massachussets farmers led by Daniel Shays (1786-87)

The farmers were faced with increasing taxes at
the same time there was a contraction of the money
supply due to the requirment that debts be paid in
specie rather than in paper money, thereby drying up
the reserves upon which the banks of the day were
constrained to make their loans. (This is not far
removed from the pattern of increasing taxes,
increasing debt and diminishing M1 money supply
that obtaining in the U.S. since the days of Fed
Chairman Paul Volker, except that today
the Fed, Eastern Banks of Shay's time, contracts
the money supply by fiat, dispensing with the
gold-withdrawing machinery.)

The resulting farm foreclosures, involving
court-ordered sales of hundreds of farms of
Revolutionary War veterans, also meant that
dispossessed farmers now were without property
qualifications for voting and hence could not use
 the ballot for political redress.  Soon armed
farmers began taking militant action to prevent further
proceedings against debtors.

Of course, the bankers of the nation concluded that
a stronger central government was
needed to crush such contumacy in the future--
a direct cause of the calling of the Continental
Congress to provide just the needed power
in future rebellions.  (You see, the other states
refused to help Massechusetts crush Shay,
and the original "libertairinan" U.S. consitituion,
The Articles of Confederation, did not compel
them to do so.)

But look at the thoughts of the great Thomas Jefferson
on this from the Paris of Louis XVI:
                                            ****

To Madison, January 30, 1787

"I am impatient to learn your sentiments on the
late troubles in the eastern states.  So far as I
have yet seen they do not appear to threaten
serious consequences.  Those states have
suffered by the stoppage of the the channels
of their commerce, which have not yet found
other issues.  This must render money scarce
and make the people uneasy.  The uneasiness
has produced  actsabsolutely unjustifiable, but
I hope they will provoke no severities from their
governments.  A consciousness of those in power
that their administration of the public affairs has
been honest may, perhaps, produce too great a
degree of indignation and those characters wherein fear predominates over
hope may apprehend too much from these instances of irregularity.  They may
conclude too hastily that nature has formed men insusceptible of any other
government than that of force, a conclusion not founded in truth nor
experience.  Societies exist under three forms, sufficiently
distinguishable: (1) without government, as among our Indians; (2) under
governments wherein the will of everyone has a just influence, as in the
case of England in a slight degree and in our States in a great one; (3)
under governments of force, as is the case in all other monarchies and in
most of the other republics.  To have an idea of the curse of existence
under this last, they must be seen.  It is a government of wolves over
sheep.  It is a problem not clear in my mind, that the first condition is
not the best.  But I believe it to be inconsistent with any great degree of
population. fThe second state has a great deal of good in it.  The mass of
mankind under that enjoys a precious degree of liberty and happiness.  It
has its evils, too, the principal of which is the turbulence to which it is
subject.  But weigh this against the oppressions of monarchy and it becomes
nothing.  Malo periculosam libertatem quam quietam servitutem.  Even this
evil is productive of good.  It prevents the degeneracy of government and
nourishes a general attention to the public affairs.  I hold it that a
little rebellion now and then is a good thing, and as necessary in the
political world as storms in the physical.  Unsuccessful rebellions
generally establish the encroachments on the rights of the people which have
produced them.  An observation of this truth should render honest republican
governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions as not to discourage
them too much.  It is a medicin necessary for the sound health of
government.


To Jean Nicolas Demeunier, Januray 24, 1786

It has been said, too, that our government , both federal
and particular, want energy; that it is difficult to restrain
both individuals and States from committting wrong.
This is true, and it is an inconvenience.  On the other hand, that energy
which is the effect of the bayonet constantly held at the breast of every
citizen and which resembles very much the stillness of the grave, must be
admitted also to have its inconveniences.  We weigh the two together and
like best to submit to the former.  Compare the number of wrongs committed
with impunity by citizens among us with those committed by the sovereign in
other countries, and the last will be found most numerous, most oppressive
on the mind, and most degrading of the dignity of man.


To Madison, December 20, 1787

I own I am not a friend of very energetic government.  It is always at the
expense of the people.  The late rebellion in Massachusetts has given more
alarm than I think it should have done.  Calculate that one rebellion in
thirteen States in the course of eleven years is but one for each State in a
century and a half.  No country should be so long without one.  Nor will any
degree of power in the hands of government prevent insurrections.  In
England, where the hand of power is heavier than with us, there are seldom
half a dozen years without an insurrection.  In France, where it is still
heavier but less despotic, as Montesquieu supposes, than in some other
countries and where there are always two or three hundred thousand men ready
to crush insurrections, there have been in the course of the three years I
have been here, in every one of which greater numbers were engaged than in
Massachusetts and a great deal more blood was spilt.  In Turkey, where the
sole nod of the despot is death, insurrections are the events of every day.
Compare again the ferocious depredations of their insurgents with the order,

the moderation, and the almost self-extinguishment of ours.  And say,
finally, whether peace is best preserved by giving energy to the government
or information to the people.  This last is the most certain and most
legitimate engine of government.  Educate and inform the whole mass of the
people.  Enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and
order, and they will preserve them.  And it requires no very high degree of
education to convince them of this.  They are the only sure reliance for the
preservation of our
liberty."


To George Wythe, August 13, 1786

If anybody thinks that kings, nobles, or priests are good conservators of
the public happiness, send him here (France).  It is the best school in the
universe to cure him of that folly.  He will see here with his own eyes that
these descriptions of men are
an (morally) abandoned confederacy against the happiness of the mass of the
people.  The omnipotence of their effect cannot be better proved than in
this country particularly,  where, not withstanding the finest soil upon the
earth, the finest climate under heaven, and a people of the most benevolent,
the most gay and amiable character of which the human form is susceptible --
where such a people, I say, surrounded by so many blessings from nature, are
loaded with misery, by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone.
Preach, my dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance.  Establish and impove the
law for educating the common people.  Let our countrymen know that the
people alone can protect us against these evils, and that the tax which will
be paid for this purpose is not more than the thousandth part of what will
be paid to kings, priests, and nobles who will rise up among us if we leave
the people in ignorance."

ON GLOBALIST INTERVENTION:

Jefferson would have stongly disapproved of the
military interventions foisted upon us by our globalist
Establishment.  His letters make that clear and give
his reasons, reasons as rational and valid as ever.

To Jose Correa de Serra, Oct. 24, 1820:

Nothing is so important as that America shall separate herself from the
systems of Europe and establish one of her own.  Our circumstances, our
pursuits, our interests are distinct;  the principles of our policy should
be so also.  All Entanglements with that quarter of the globe should be
avoided if we mean that peace and justice shall be the polar stars of the
American societies.


Third Annual Message, October 17, 1803

Separated by a wide ocean from the nations of Europe and from the political
interests which entangle them together, with productions and wants which
render our commerce and friendship useful to them and theirs to us, it
cannot be the interest of any to assial us, nor ours to distrub them.  We
should be most unwise, indeed, were we to cast away the singular blessings
of the position in which nature has placed us, the opportunity she has
endowned us with of pursuing, at a distance from foreign contentions, the
paths of industry, peace and happiness; of cultivating general friendship,
and of bringing collisions of interest to the umpirage of reason rather than
of force."

To William Short,  Octover 17, 1803

Mr. Correa is here, on his farewell visit to us. .. From many conversations
with him, I hope he sees, and will promote in his new situation, the
advantages of a cordial fraternization among all the American nations, and
the importance of their coalescing in an American system of policy totally
independent of and unconnected with that of Europe. The day is not distant
when we may formally require a meridian of partition through the ocean which
separates the two hemispheres on the hither side of which no European gun
shall ever be heard, nor an American on the other; and when, during the rage
of the eternal wars of Europe, the lion and the lamb within our regions
shall lie down together in peace.   The excess population in Europe and want
of room render war, in their opinion, necessary to keep down that excess of
numbers.  Here room is abundant, population scanty, and peace the necessary
means for producing men to whom the redundant soil is offering the means of
life and happiness.  THe principles of society there hand here, then, are
redically different, and I hope no American patriot will ever lose sight of
the esential policy of interdicting in the seas and territories of both
Americas the ferocious and sanguinary contests of Europe.  I wish to see
this coalition begun.

To James Monroe, June 11, 1823:

The matter which now embroils Europe, the presumption of dictating to an
independent nation the form of its government, is so arrogant, so atrocious,
that indignation, as well as moral sentiment, enlists all our partialities
and prayers in favor of one and our equal execrations against the other.  I
do not know, indeed, whether all nations do not owe to one another a bold
and open declaration of their sympathies with the one party and their
detestation of the conduct of the other. But farther than this we are not
bound to go; and, indeed, for the sake of the world, we ought not to
increase the jealousies or draw on ourselves the power of this formidable
confederacy.  I have ever deemed it fundamental for the United States never
to take active part in the quarrels of Europe. Their political interests are
entirely distinct from ours.  Their mutual jealousies, their balance of
power, their complicated alliances, their forms and principles of government
are all foreign to us.  They are nations of eternal war.  All their energies
are expended in the destruction of the labor, property, and lives of other
people.  On our part never had people so favorable a chance of trying the
opposite system of peace and fraternity with mankind and the direction of
all our means and faculties to the purposes of improvement instead of
destruction."

To James Monroe, October 24, 1823:

Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the
broils of Europe, or second never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with
cis-Atlantic affairs.  America, North and SOuth, has a set of interests
distinct from those of Europe and peculiarly her own.  She should therefore
have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe.  While the
last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should
surely be to make our hemisphere that of freedom."


To William Johnson,   June 12, 1823

The doctrines of europe were that men in numerous associations cannot be
restrained withing the limits of order and justice but by forces physical
and moral weiled over them by authorities independent of their will -- hence
their organization of kings, hereditary nobels, and priests.  Still further,
to constrain the brute force of the people, they deem it necessary to keep
them down by hard labor, poverty and ignorance; and to take from them, as
from bees, so much of their earnings as that unremitting labor shall be
necessary to obtain a suficient surplus barely to sustain a scanty and
misirable life. And these earnings they apply to maintain their privileged
orders in splendor and idleness, to fascinate the eyes of the people, and
excite in them a humble adoration and submission, as to an order of superior
beings.
Although few of us has gone to all these lengths of opinion, yet many had
advanced, some more, some less, on the way.  And in the convention which
formed our government, they endeavored to draw the cords of power as tight
as they could obtain them, to sessen the dependence of the general
functionaries on their constituents, to subject to them those of the States,
and to weaken their means of maintaining the steady equilibrium which the
majority of the convention had deemed salutary for both branches, general
and local.  To recover, therefore, in practice, the powers which the nation
had refused, and to warp to their own wishes those actually given, was the
steady object of the federal party.  Ours, on the contrary, was to maintain
the will of the majority of the convention and of the people themselves. We
believed . . . that man was a rational animal, endowed by nature with
rights, and with an innate sense of justice; and that he could be restrained
from wrong and protected in right by moderate powers confided to persons of
his own choice and held to their duties by dependence on his own will.   We
believed that the complicated organization of kings, nobles, an priests was
not the wisest nor best to effect the happiness of associated man, that
wisdom and virtue were not hereditary, that the trappings of such a
machinery consumed by their expense those earnings of industry were meant to
protect and by the inequalities they produced exposed liberty to sufferance.
We believed that men, enjoying in ease and security the full fruits of their
own industry, enlisted by all their interests on the side of law and order,
habituated to think for themselves and to follow their reason as their
guide, would be more easily and safely governed than with minds nourished in
error and vitiated and debased, as in Europe, by ignorance, indigence, and
oppression.  The cherishment of the people then was our principle, the fear
and distrust of them that of the other party."

To Benjamin Rush, September 23, 1800

I have sworn upon the alter of God eternal hostility against every form of
tyranny over the mind of man.

To John Adams, Dec. 10, 1819:

No government can continue good but under the  control of the people.

So I ask you, Arno, is Jefferson a good guy or a bad guy?


Dick Eastman
Yakima, Washingon
United States
Every man is responsible to every other man.